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작성일 : 14-12-29 10:40
전교조운동의 성찰과 전망: 하성환의 ‘교육노동운동 성찰과 전망’을 보며
 글쓴이 : 최덕현
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진보평론 62호(2014년 겨울) 쟁점


최덕현 · 전교조조합원


민주노총과 그리고 가맹 산별노동조합인 전교조에서 선거가 진행 중이다. 유권자를 단순히 ‘표’로 보고 들러리 세우는 부르주아 정치 선거와 달리 노동조합 선거는 유권자인 조합원을 사업의 주체로 세우는 과정이 되어야 한다. 또한 지난 시기 노동조합운동에 대한 ‘성찰’에 근거하여 정책과 투쟁 방향을 제시하고, 조합원과 소통하면서 함께 ‘전망’을 만들어 가야 한다.
민주노총은 이번 ‘직선제’ 선거에 특별한 의미를 부여하면서 한국사회 내의 계급투쟁의 과정이 되기를 기대하고 있다. 각 후보 진영은 정도의 차이는 있지만 한국사회가 처한 현실을 노동자 계급은 어떻게 판단해야 하는지, 그 판단에 근거하여 앞으로의 계급투쟁의 방향은 어떠해야 하는지, 또한 민주노총을 어떤 방향으로, 어떻게 혁신할 것인가에 대한 방안을 제시하고 있다. ‘직선제’는 아래로부터의 투쟁에 기반하여 임원진을 구성해야 함은 물론이고 노동현장투쟁과 다양한 방식으로 표현되는 길거리 저항에 대해서도 확고한 연대전선을 구축하는 계기가 되어야 한다. 또한 노동조합 민주주의의 확장의 계기가 되어야 하고 이 과정에서 민주노총의 실질적인 혁신이 이루어져야 한다. 그간 민주노총의 거듭되는 투쟁 회피와 패배가 민주노총의 정치․사회적 위상을 실추시켰음은 주지의 사실이다. 그 과정에서 민주노총과 노동조합운동의 위기가 심화되었다. 따라서 ‘직선제’를 통해 와해된 현장 투쟁의 구심을 새롭게 세우고, 민주노조운동의 자주성, 민주성, 계급성, 연대성을 복원함은 물론 자본과 정권에 맞선 투쟁을 시작할 수 있는 기회를 만들어야 한다.
전교조 또한 각 후보 진영은 지난 시기 전교조운동에 대한 평가와 함께 전교조의 현재에 대한 진단을 제출하고 있다. 시급한 당면 과제인 정권의 규약시정명령과 법외노조 시도, 공무원연금법 개악 저지, 교육 자치를 훼손하고 역사를 과거로 되돌리려는 정권의 반민주적 행태를 저지하고, 날로 심화되는 입시 경쟁과 불평등 교육을 개혁하기 위한 방안들이다. 전교조 역시 민주노총과 다르지 않게 조직 내 관료화 경향이 드러나고 있다. 따라서 각 후보 진영은 이러한 관료화 경향을 극복하기 위해 노동자 민주주의 실현과 현장 소통을 통한 전교조운동의 혁신을 주요 과제로 보고 해결 방안을 모색하고 있다. 이는 전교조 운동의 ‘노선’과 관련된 문제이기도 하며 전교조 운동에 대한 ‘성찰’과 ‘전망’에 대한 문제들이기도 하다. 세월호 참사 전과 후는 정치, 경제, 사회적으로 뿐만 아니라 교육적으로도 달라져야 한다. 이러한 시대적 상황을 반영하여 조합원의 요구와 실천 의지를 담아내어 현장 투쟁 동력을 복원할 수 있는 계기가 되어야 한다. 현재 선거 공간은 다양한 논쟁거리가 올라오고 있고 후보자들뿐만 아니라 현장에서도 활발한 토론이 이루어지고 있다.
‘진보운동의 발전’을 위해 치열한 고민과 쟁점이 담긴 논쟁적 글쓰기에 대한 기대가담긴 진보평론의 61호의 ‘전교조의 교육(노동)운동 쟁점’은 ‘전교조 운동’이든 ‘교육노동운동’이든, 또한 꼭 선거 시기가 아니더라도 조합원이라면 관심을 갖고 고민할 필요가 있는 글들이다. 전교조 운동에 대한 활발한 토론에 복무하고자 전교조 조합원인 필자 역시 하성환의 "전교조 운동 노선에 대한 비판적 제언(아래 ‘비판적 제언’)"과 이철호의 "전교조 불순한 정치를 말하다: 하성환의 ‘전교조 운동 노선에 대한 비판적 제언’을 비판하며"에 대해 나름대로의 견해를 밝혀 보려 한다. 다만, 하성환의 글이 꽤 오래 전부터 있어왔던 전교조 운동에 대한 논쟁을 연장시키려는 성격이 짙어 보여 하성환의 ‘비판적 제언’과 이에 대한 이철호의 비판 글에 대한 하성환의 반비판 글 "교육노동운동, 성찰과 전망(아래 ‘성찰과 전망’)"을 중심으로 쓰려 한다. 다만, 하성환이 지적하는 구체적인 사업 또는 투쟁 내용에 대한 평가 토론은 다음 기회로 미루고 전교조운동에 대한 논쟁이 확대되기를 기대하면서 전교조운동의 ‘노선’과 ‘정체성’, ‘위기’와 ‘민주주의’ 문제를 중심으로 의견을 개진하도록 하겠다.

전교조운동 ‘노선’, ‘초심’을 기억해야 한다.
‘비판적 제언’과 ‘성찰과 전망’ 두 글에서 하성환은 표면적으로는 전교조운동 ‘노선’을 문제 삼고 있다. 이를 비판하기 위해 나 또한 다소 주관적이고 거칠 수도 있겠으나 노동조합운동 노선을 역사적 또는 현실적 경험에 근거해 분류해 보려 한다. 먼저 노동조합이 조합원의 경제적 이해와 요구를 중심으로 활동해 온 ‘개량적 조합주의’ 노선, 그리고 노동조합이 국가권력과 유착하거나 함께 성장하면서 노사협조를 강조해 온 ‘사회적 합의주의’ 노선, 마지막으로 노동조합이 국가와 자본으로부터 자주성을 견지하면서 자본과 국가에 대해 적대적 관계를 유지하고 자주성, 민주성, 계급성, 연대성을 기초로 하여 혁명적 전망을 하고 있는 ‘혁명적 노동조합’ 노선이 그것이다. 하지만 하성환의 글에서는 전교조운동이 이중 어떤 ‘노선’을 지켜왔는지에 대한 검토는 보이지 않는다. 다만, 담임수당, 해직교사 복직, 교원평가, 네이스, 교육과정, 관료적 학교문화, 입학사정관제 등 매우 구체적인 사업을 예로 들어가며 전교조가 ‘대중운동 노선’에서 벗어났기 때문에 국민으로부터 고립을 자초했다고 한다. 이 때문에 일반 교사와 조합원조차 전교조를 외면하게 되면서 조합원 감소를 불러왔으며, 조합원의 고령화와 함께 ‘위기’가 초래되었다고 주장한다. 하성환이 주장하는 전교조운동 노선은 두루뭉술하게 ‘대중운동 노선’으로 명명되고 있다. 그러나 전교조는 노동조합이기 때문에 당연히 대중운동 노선을 견지할 수밖에 없다. 그러므로 전교조 운동 노선을 제안할 때는 어떠한 대중노선인가를 밝히는 게 필요하다. ‘성찰과 전망’에서는 전교조운동을 ‘전투적 노동운동의 신화’로 평가하기도 하지만 투쟁 내용은 교사대중의 사회경제적 권익과 복지에 두어야 한다고 주장한다. 따라서 전교조는 ‘대중운동 노선’에 따라 교사의 사회․경제적 권익과 직접 이해에 따른 요구를 실현하는 것에 중심을 두며, 교사 개인의 경제적 이해와 요구가 정치적일 수밖에 없으므로 직접적인 정치 투쟁보다는 경제적 요구 투쟁을 ‘제1의 투쟁 의제’로 설정할 것을 제안하고 있는 것으로 보인다.
이미 전교조 결성 이전부터 교사운동을 둘러싸고 조직, 정책, 정치투쟁 노선에 대한 논쟁은 존재했다. 현재의 전교조운동에 대한 ‘노선’ 논쟁은 전교조 결성 전후의 ‘노선’ 논쟁의 연장이라고 할 수 있다. 조직노선 논쟁이라 할 수 있는 ‘교원단체’와 ‘노동조합’ 논쟁, 조직노선이면서 정체성 논쟁이라고 할 수 있는 ‘교사운동’과 ‘교육운동’ 논쟁 등이 그것이다. 치열한 논쟁을 통해 조직노선은 ‘전국 단일 노동조합’으로, 정체성 논쟁은 둘을 봉합(?)하여 ‘교육노동운동’으로 정리되었던 것으로 기억한다. 참교육 이념으로 표현된 ‘민족, 민주, 인간화 교육’에는 당시 정치, 경제, 사회, 교육이 처한 조건을 반영하여 ‘반제, 반독재․반파시즘, 인간해방’이라는 정치적 내용을 담았다. 즉 전교조 결성 당시 전교조의 운동 ‘노선’은 교사의 노동자성에 근거하여 노동조합으로서 자본과 국가에 대해 적대적 관계임을 표명하고, 혁명적 교육 개혁과 함께 한국사회의 혁명적 변혁을 지향했음을 알 수 있다.
하지만 노동기본권 쟁취, 교육법 개정, 합법화 투쟁을 거치며 합법화 경로와 합법화 이후 시기별 정세와 교육정책 대응 방향에 대한 견해 차이가 드러나게 되었다. 즉 전교조운동은 국민에게 지지받는 ‘대중운동’이어야 하며 학교혁신 또는 혁신학교 운동, 교육자치, 교육혁명 등 ‘교육 운동’ 중심에 ‘노동자 운동’이 결합되어야 한다는 주장과 교사의 노동자성에 근거하여 ‘노동자 운동’을 중심에 두고 ‘교육 운동’을 결합해야 한다는 주장 등이 대두된 것이다. 이러한 전교조운동 ‘노선’은 정치적 입장에 따른 정파적 견해에 따라 분별 정립되었다고 할 수 있다.
그러나 전교조 결성 당시 전교조가 자본과 정권, 우익보수 언론을 제외하고 광범위한 대중적 지지를 얻을 수 있었던 것은 교사가 노동자임을 당당하게 선언하고, 노동자․민중과 연대하여 반제․반독재․반파시즘 투쟁에 함께함은 물론 계급적 이해에 근거하여 인간해방을 향한 참교육을 실현하겠다고 선언했기 때문임은 분명하다. 이는 전교조의 ‘초심’이라고 할 수 있고 이후의 어떠한 전교조운동 ‘노선’ 논쟁에서도 ‘초심’은 잃지 말아야 한다. 따라서 논쟁되어야 할 내용은 ‘민족, 민주, 인간화 교육’으로 표현된 혁명적 교육 개혁, 그리고 혁명적 노동조합 운동 노선이 현재 조건에서 어떤 의미를 갖고 있는가를 재해석하고, 어떻게 확장하고 재정립할 것인가가 되어야 한다. 하성환이 주장하는 전교조 운동 ‘노선’이 ‘대중운동 노선’이어야 한다는 것은 전교조가 노동운동 조직이나 정치조직이 아닌 노동조합이기 때문에 두 말할 나위 없이 일반적 원칙일 뿐이다.

전교조운동의 ‘정체성’, 어디에서 찾아야 하는가.
하성환은 ‘비판적 제언’에서 교육과정 개정, 네이스 반대 투쟁 등이 학교 현장과 유리된 정치 투쟁적 성격을 짙게 띠었기 때문에 전교조의 정체성을 불투명하게 만들었다고 한다. 그리고 담임수당 현실화, 업무 경감, 교문지도 폐지, 성과급 반대 등은 교사 대중의 사회경제적 이해와 직결되기 때문에 전교조의 자기 정체성을 강화시킬 수 있을 것이라고 주장한다. 또한 교원평가 반대 투쟁은 전교조의 정체성이 변질되었다는 인상을 심어주게 되었고, 국민들에게 전교조를 이익 집단으로 각인시켜 국민으로부터 전교조가 외면 받게 했다고도 말한다. ‘성찰과 전망’에서도 교사대중의 사회 경제적 권익을 위한 ‘대중운동 노선’을 견지하기보다는 정부 정책에 반대하는 정치투쟁 일변도로 운동노선이 고정되어 있어 전교조가 노동조합으로서의 정체성을 간직하지 못하고 있다고 본다. ‘비판적 성찰’에서는 ‘전교조가 여타 운동단체와의 연대에 우선하기보다는 자기 정체성 유지’에 최우선을 둘 것을 ‘전교조 변화를 위한 요구’로 주장하기도 한다. 이러한 주장을 살펴볼 때 하성환에게 전교조가 노동조합으로서 가져야 할 정체성이란 ‘교사대중의 사회경제적 권익을 위한 투쟁 여부’에서 찾아야 하는 것으로 보인다.
전교조가 노동조합이기 때문에 전교조 정체성에 대한 하성환의 이러한 주장은 타당한 면이 있다. 문제는 교사대중의 ‘사회경제적 권익’을 교사대중의 ‘직접적 이해와 요구’ 또는 ‘경제적 이해’만으로 한계 지우거나 교사 대중들이 학교에서 주로 겪는 모순된 현실을 ‘일상의 모순’, ‘일상의 정치’에 국한시키려 하는데 있다. 하성환은 ‘비판적 제언’에서 담임수당 현실화, 잡무 철폐 등 근무조건 개선 및 교육환경 개선 투쟁을 전교조의 제1의 투쟁 의제로 설정할 것을 요구하고 있으며, ‘성찰과 전망’에서도 역시 경제투쟁은 필연적으로 정치투쟁으로 나아갈 수밖에 없음을 주장하면서 전교조가 ‘전투적으로 전취해야 할 1차적 목표’는 교사대중의 근무조건 개선과 사회경제적 권익과 복지임을 강조한다. 또한 세월호 이후에 주력해야 할 과제 역시 ‘지시와 복종’, ‘통제와 지도’ 등의 수직적 학교문화 개선으로 보고 있다. 그러나 자본과 정권의 규제완화, 비정규직 확대가 빚은 참사라는 점과 구조 과정에서 보여준 국가 또는 정권의 노동자․민중 배제가 청소년들의 미래에 어떤 영향을 미칠 것인가에 대한 언급은 전혀 없다. 전교조운동을 학교 안으로 한계지어야 한다는 주장에서 크게 벗어나지 않는 것이다.
그러나 전교조운동은 하성환의 주장에서 한 발 더 나아가야 한다. 교사의 노동자성과 교사가 담당하고 있는 교육의 계급성, 그에 따른 노동조합으로서의 전교조의 본질적인 성격과 역할 속에서 정체성이 규정되어야 한다. 이는 전교조 창립 선언문과 민족, 민주, 인간화 교육 실현을 위해 채택한 강령에 잘 표현되어 있다. 전교조 강령은 교직원의 사회경제적 지위 향상 뿐 아니라 교육의 자주성, 교육 민주화, 교사의 민주적 권리, 자유․평화․민주주의를 사랑하는 이들과의 연대를 담고 있다. 창립 선언문에는 교사가 집권 세력의 선전대로 전락되고 있는 것을 뼈아프게 성찰하면서 군사독재를 청산하고 민주화의 주체로 설 것과 전교조가 민주주의 실천을 위한 최선의 교실이 되어야 함을 강조하고 있다. 나아가 교육 민주화는 물론 사회 민주화를 위해 전교조 깃발 아래 단결할 것을 담고 있다.
교육의 자주성은 교육이 자본과 국가 권력으로부터 자유로울 수 있어야 한다는 것이고, 교육의 민주화는 자본과 국가권력의 교육 독점 음모, 불평등을 확대·강화하는 자본주의 체제의 경쟁 교육에 대한 저항을 의미한다. 교사의 민주적 권리 획득은 노동3권을 비롯한 정치활동·사상·표현의 자유, 집회·결사의 자유 등 교사도 당연히 누려야할 시민적 기본권을 쟁취하겠다는 결의의 표현이다. 물론, 전교조운동의 정체성이 담겨있는 강령과 창립선언문은 변화되는 정치, 경제, 사회, 교육적 조건을 고려하여 재해석되고, 재정립할 필요가 있다. 하지만 하성환의 주장처럼 전교조운동의 정체성을 교사대중의 ‘직접적 이해와 요구’ 또는 ‘경제적 이해’로 한계 지우거나 교사 대중들이 주로 학교에서 겪는 ‘일상의 모순’, ‘일상의 정치’에 한정 짓는다면 전교조 강령과 창립 선언문으로 표현된 전교조 정체성은 왜곡될 수 있다.
한편 하성환은 ‘성찰과 전망’에서 ‘노동운동의 성장은 교사대중의 직접적 이해와 요구를 중심으로 투쟁 의제를 설정하고 정책화할 때 가능하다’고 주장한다. 그리고 전교조가 네이스 투쟁, 교원평가 투쟁 등에서 보인 것처럼 정부 정책에 반대하는 정치투쟁 일변도가 되었다며 전교조가 노동조합의 존재론적 목적에 합치되는 활동을 하지 못했다고 지적한다. 따라서 그동안 전교조가 보여준 운동노선에 대해 ‘겸허하게 성찰’하고 교사의 사회경제적 의제 중심의 투쟁, 학교 일상 속 미시적 정치 투쟁을 통해 ‘전망’을 새롭게 하자고 주장한다.
하성환이 주장하듯이 교사가 미시적 정치 투쟁, 즉 학교현장의 낡은 질서와 모순에 저항하면 필연적으로 거시적 정치투쟁으로 발전될 것이라는 믿음(?)으로 미시적 정치투쟁에 교직을 걸고 투쟁한다면 과연 교사의 소외된 교육노동과 학생의 학습 소외가 해소될 수 있겠는가. 경쟁, 불평등, 양극화로 표현되는 교육문제는 해결될 수 있는가. 전교조의 침체 또는 위기는 해소될 수 있는가. 이는 어찌 보면 전교조운동의 정체성을 어디에서 찾을 것인가에 대한 본질적인 문제이기도 하다. 학교사회의 낡은 질서, 관료적 통제, 잡무, 권위주의적 횡포가 여전한 것이 전교조 또는 교사의 저항이 없었기 때문인가. 하성환이 ‘미시적 정치투쟁’으로 일컫는 ‘일상의 교육모순’ 또한 전교조 결성 이전부터 지금까지 다수 교사들과 전교조가 고민해 왔고, 그 고민만큼이나 많은 저항을 만들어 왔지 않은가. 문제는 저항이 없었던 것이 아니라 저항의 대상을 명확하게 하지 않음으로써 지금도 여전한 문제로 남아있는 것은 아닌가.
교사가 담당하고 있는 교육노동 또는 교육과 관련된 문제의 본질은 개별 교육청이나 학교, 교사 개인의 문제 영역이 아니다. 교육감과 교장을 바꾸고, 이른바 ‘혁신학교’를 잘 운영하고, 교사 개인이 철저하게 성찰하는 태도로 교육노동을 한다 해도 교원평가, 성과급, 승진제도, 경쟁 입시 등 경쟁과 배제가 당연하게 여겨지는 교육 현실은 전혀 변화되지 않는다. 정권과 자본의 교사․공무원 노동3권 박탈, 정치활동 자유의 억제, 연금마저 가로 채려는 정치권의 음모는 어떤가. 자본주의 체제에서 국가와 자본이 주도하는 교육 정책과 교사의 소외된 교육노동은 물론 학생의 소외된 학습노동을 심화시키는 것은 사실이다. 하성환이 주장하는 ‘일상의 교육 모순’에 눈을 감자는 얘기가 아니다. ‘일상의 교육 모순’에서 드러나는 본질적 모순 관계를 분명히 하고 자본과 국가권력, 정권에 저항을 집중할 필요가 있다는 얘기다. 문제는 자본주의 체제의 교육이고, 자본의 이해에 근거한 국가권력에 대한 문제이고, 자본주의 체제의 국가 요구에 따라 교육 정책을 입안하고 집행하는 정권의 문제이기 때문이다.
우익 보수진영은 한국사를 수능 필수 교과로 지정한데 이어 국정교과서로 만들려 하고 있다. 교사․공무원 연금과 교육(학교)마저 사유화하려는 음모, 특목고․자사고 정책을 유지시켜 교육 불평등과 교육 양극화를 확대하려는 시도, 재정을 틀어쥐고 학교 정책과 교원 인사에 관한 교육감 권한마저 좌지우지하며 교육자치를 훼손하려는 시도 등에서 볼 수 있는 것처럼 교육 내용, 교육 과정, 학교 정책, 교원 정책 등과 관련된 문제는 모두 계급적 문제일 수밖에 없다. 그러므로 교육을 사이에 둔 교사와 교육에 대한 통제와 저항은 필연적으로 계급 전쟁 성격을 지니게 되고, 원하든 원하지 않든 교사의 교육노동은 필연적으로 계급적 성격을 가지게 된다. 따라서 전교조운동의 정체성은 노동자․민중과 국가권력, 노동자․민중과 자본 사이의 계급 전쟁에서 전교조가 어떤 입장과 태도를 가져야 할 것인가에서 찾아야 하고, 또 누구와 연대할 것인가에서 찾아야 한다. 전교조운동 ‘노선’ 또한 이에 근거하여 새롭게 정립되어야 할 것이며, 전교조 강령으로 표현된 민족, 민주, 인간화 등의 참교육 이념 역시 현재의 정치, 경제, 사회, 교육적 조건을 고려하여 의제를 확장하고, 재정립할 필요가 있다.

‘전교조 위기’, 어떻게 볼 것인가.
하성환은 ‘성찰과 전망’에서 수구세력의 ‘전교조 위기론’은 헤게모니 전략에서 나온 이데올로기 전술일 뿐이므로 동의하지 않는다고 말한다. 그러나 전교조운동 노선과 전술상 오류가 교사대중의 이탈을 가져왔고, 지난 10년 동안의 침체, 조합원 수 감소와 고령화, 학교 현장 동력 약화 등으로 볼 때 전교조가 ‘위기’ 상황이라고 한다. 다만, 위기의 원인을 외부 요인에 비중을 두는 게 아니라 내부 요인에 비중을 두고 진단하자고 한다. 정세나 환경변화는 객관적 변수일 뿐 전교조 대응 여부에 따라 극복이 가능했다고 한다. 따라서 ‘전교조 위기’의 원인은 ‘교찾사(옛 PD계열)’의 네이스 반대, 교원평가 반대 등 지나친 정치투쟁과 ‘혁신과 단결(옛 NL계열)’의 현실 타협적 태도와 투쟁을 방관한 과오를 지적하고 있다. 또한 해직교사 원상회복 투쟁 실패는 교사대중에게 조합원의 권익과 요구 관철의 어려움으로 인식되어 조합원 수가 급감하는 등의 위기를 초래했다고 본다. 즉 위기의 원인은 전교조운동 내부에서 찾아야 하며, 성찰이 필요하다는 것이다.
전교조 운동의 침체에 대해서는 동의한다. 그러나 운동의 침체가 곧 ‘위기’로 규정되어야 하는 것은 아니다. 전교조운동은 자본과 정권의 노동․교육정책과 이에 대한 전교조의 대응, 조합원의 상태, 전체 노동자․민중 운동 진출 정도 등에 따라 때로는 활성화될 수도 있고, 침체될 수도 있다. 따라서 전교조가 특정 시기에 정파적 견해에 따라 정권의 노동․교육 정책에 대해 지나친 정치투쟁으로 대응하거나 현실 타협적으로 대응했기 때문에 조합원 수가 감소했고 나아가 교사대중의 이탈 또는 고립을 불러와 전교조운동이 침체되었으며 ‘전교조 위기’를 초래했다는 주장에 대해서는 선뜻 동의되지 않는다.
전교조의 침체는 전교조 내부에서 해결해야할 중요한 문제인 것은 맞다. 하지만 자본과 정권의 교육노동, 교육에 대한 통제 전략을 가벼이 보아서는 문제의 본질을 올바로 파악하고 대안을 마련하기 어려울 수 있다. 위기의 원인을 내부로 집중할 경우 자본과 정권의 문제가 은폐될 우려가 있기 때문이다. 전교조의 침체는 신자유주의 세계화 과정에서의 ‘자본의 위기’를 노동자․민중에게 전가시키고자 통제와 억압을 강화하고 교육노동과 교육 통제를 강화시켜 정권의 불안정성을 극복하려는 데서도 그 원인이 있다는 점 또한 고려되어야 한다. 자본주의 체제에서 교육은 계급적 성격을 띨 수밖에 없다. 하성환의 주장처럼 ‘겸허한 성찰’이 필요하지만 전교조운동 내부의 각성이 중요한 만큼 자본과 정권의 전략을 간과해서도 안 된다.
조합원 수 감소와 고립을 근거로 들면서 ‘전교조 위기’를 주장하는 이면에는 전교조운동 노선과 정체성에 대한 의혹(?)을 내포하고 있는 건 아닌가. 참교육 이념으로 표현된 전교조운동의 ‘초심’과 노선을 견지하려하기보다는 조합원의 경제적 요구, 사회․경제적 지위 향상과 관련한 현실적 요구, 또는 국민 대중의 요구라고 주장하며 전교조운동은 개량적 조합주의 노선, 혹은 고립을 탈피하기 위해 사회적 합의주의 노선이 되어야 한다고 주장하는 흐름이 그것이다. 대중운동 노선의 주장, 학교혁신․혁신학교 주장, 이른바 진보 교육시대를 열어갈 진보 교육감을 추켜세우며 교육청 2중대를 자처하고 정권의 요구에 따라 해고자 배제 쪽으로 규약을 개정하여 법외노조를 면해 보자는 주장, 교사․공무원의 노동기본권은 노동3권의 완전한 보장이 아니라 교원노조법 일부의 개정에서 만족하자는 주장, 공적연금을 강화하기 위해 사회적 협의체를 구성하자는 주장 역시 그렇다.
전교조운동은 민주노조운동임을 자부해 왔다. 하지만 교사들의 계급의식은 크게 후퇴되는 반면 보수적, 실리적, 경제주의적 의식은 확산되고 있고 변혁적, 투쟁적, 연대적 계급의식은 약화되는 경향이다. 이러한 가운데 전교조운동이 계급운동의 기본 원칙을 훼손하거나 국가와 자본에 대한 비타협적, 계급적 관점에서의 투쟁 노선을 포기할 경우 참교육으로 표현된 ‘초심’과 정체성을 포기하는 것이 될 것이다. 오히려 이는 노동자․민중으로부터의 고립을 자초하게 되어 곧바로 전교조운동의 ‘위기’로 이어질 수 있다. 전교조운동은 민주노조운동의 전통에 따라 자주성, 민주성, 계급성, 연대성을 지키면서 실리를 지키되 실리주의로 빠져서는 안 되고 노동자․민중과의 연대를 통한 계급적 승리의 길로 올곧게 나아가야 한다.

전교조 내 민주주의, 어떻게 볼 것인가.
하성환은 ‘성찰과 전망’에서 대의 민주주의 한계를 넘어 직접 소통하는 직접 민주주의 실현을 주장하고 있다. 전적으로 동의한다. 전교조는 법외노조 저항과 투쟁의 시기를 거쳐 합법화에 이르면서 조합원 수가 폭발적으로 증가하게 되었고, 현장 조합원과 계선 집행부의 직접 소통은 더욱 어려워지고 있다. 집행부는 주로 사업과 투쟁을 기획하여 조합원에게 전달하는 역할을 담당하게 되었고, 현장 조합원은 전달받은 사업이나 투쟁에 단순 동원되는 현상이 나타나기도 한다. 전교조 내 민주주의는 대의 민주주의로 갇히게 되었고, 전교조 활동에 현장 조합원 참여는 점점 줄어들고 있다. 전교조 내부 민주주의가 활력을 잃어가고 있으며, 관료화가 빠른 속도로 진행되고 있다. 이는 현장 동력을 약화시키는 원인이 되고 있으며, 전교조운동의 침체의 또 다른 원인이 되고 있다.
하성환은 조합원수 감소의 극복과 전교조 내 민주주의 실현을 위해 전교조가 ‘대중운동 노선’을 채택할 것과 관료화된 거대 조직을 본부-분회로 슬림화하고, 민주집중제를 폐기하여 직접 민주주의를 관철시키는 조직문화를 정착시키자고 한다. 따라서 주요 정책, 투쟁 사안은 반드시 조합원 총투표로 결정하여 대의 민주주의 한계를 극복해야 한다고 주장한다.
하지만 대중운동 노선과 조합원 총투표가 전교조 내 민주주의를 구현하고, 관료화 경향을 막을 수 있다는 주장에 대해서는 의견이 다르다. 집행부가 조합원 다수의 의견만을 따라 사업이나 투쟁을 집행하는 것이 과연 노동자다운 또는 노동조합다운 민주주의 모습일 것인가에 대한 의문 때문이다. 다수의 의견이 전체 의견으로 기능하기 위해서는 조합원 모두가 자본과 국가권력으로부터 자유롭고, 조합 활동과 관련된 모든 정보의 공유가 전제되어야 한다. 또한 하성환의 주장대로 전교조 내 관료화 경향은 본부-지부-지회-분회로 조직운영이 중층화된 것에 문제가 있기도 하겠지만 그보다는 계선 집행부가 현장의 자발적 요구나 투쟁을 관리하려 하거나 통제하려 하는데서 발생한다.
전교조는 단일 사업장인 다른 노동조합과 달리 전국 단일 산별 노동조합으로 사업장이 전국에 산재해 있다. 분회 수만도 1만이 넘는다. 이에 반해 자본과 정권이 주도하는 교육노동, 교육 정책은 중앙 집중화되어 있고, 관료적으로 단일하게 기획되고 집행된다. 여기에 대응하려면 민주와 집중 모두 필요하다. 교사가 자신의 권리를 지키고, 자본과 정권의 교육독점 음모에 맞서기 위해서는 전국적으로 단결하고, 전국적으로 투쟁해야 하기 때문이다. 따라서 하성환이 주장하는 네트워크 방식의 직접 민주주의로는 전국적 사업 집행이나 투쟁을 조직하는데 한계가 있을 수밖에 없다. 노동조합에서 민주와 집중 문제는 조직운영에 관한 문제이면서 국가권력과 자본, 노동자 관계에서 투쟁을 조직해야 하는 계급적 문제이기 때문이다.
한편 전교조는 의결과 집행이 분리된 조직 체계로 인해 집행부는 대의기구에서 결정하는 대로 사업과 투쟁을 집행하기만 하면 된다는 인식이 생겨나고 있고 대의원은 결정만 하고 집행과 책임은 집행부로 떠넘기는 현상이 나타나고 있다. 그 결과 집행부는 현장 조합원의 요구나 투쟁을 관리·통제하게 되고, 조합원에게 단순 전달하거나 동원하게 되어 조직의 관료화 경향을 심화시키게 된다. 따라서 지회를 해체하기보다는 분회 활동이 약화된 현재는 시군구 지역을 단위로 하는 지회 활동을 강화하고, 아래로부터의 연대를 통한 지역 운동을 활성화하면서 이를 전국으로 확대할 수 있는 방안을 모색해야 한다. 지회장이 대의원을 겸하게 하여 전국대의원대회를 전국지회장대회로 전환하고, 이를 통해 전국 광역시도 단위 지부집행위원회를 강화하고, 중앙집행위원회는 조직운영의 민주와 집중에 충실하도록 하여 의결과 집행을 통일시킬 수 있게 하는 것도 하나의 방안이 될 수 있다.
특히, 정권의 해고자 배제 규약시정명령 요구에 대해 일부 조합원의 수용 입장에서 드러난 것처럼 정권에 대한 불명확한 태도, 또는 소위 진보 교육감과 밀월(?) 관계를 유지하고 조합원을 교육청 관료로 진출시켜 교육을 바꾸어 보겠다는 태도, 교육부와 교육청에 재정을 의존하려는 태도 등은 노동자와 사용자 간의 관계에서 노동조합의 자주성과 민주성을 훼손하는 문제로 전교조가 관료화되는 지름길일 것이다. 당장 바로 잡아야 할 문제이다.

끝내며
돌이켜보면, 전교조운동의 정체성은 전교조 결성 전후 논쟁을 통해 교사의 노동자 성과 참교육 이념으로 정립되었다고 볼 수 있다. 그러나 노선의 경우는 노동조합이 가져야 할 일반적인 원칙만을 전교조 강령과 규약에 담았을 뿐 조합원의 광범위한 동의하에 ‘이것이다’라고 분명하게 정해진 것은 없다. 전교조가 대중조직인 노동조합이기 때문에 조합원 각자의 이해와 요구, 정치적 견해, 그에 따른 교육노동 방식 등의 차이를 충분히 고려하여 활동해야 하기 때문에 이는 어찌 보면 당연한 것이다. 따라서 일관된 전교조운동 노선이 존재하는 것은 아니다. 주로 선거 시기 제출된 정책에 대한 대중적 토론과 선택에 의해 집행부를 구성하였고, 그 집행부와 그 시기의 정치·사회적 조건이 반영되어 노선은 다양하게 드러났다.
전교조는 일관되고 확정된 ‘노선’보다는 대중적으로 동의된 정체성과 한국사회 민주노조운동의 이념인 자주성, 민주성, 계급성, 연대성에 기초하여 노선을 정립하고 실천해 왔다고 할 수 있다. 하지만 정치, 사회적 조건에 따라 변화를 거듭해 왔고, 고정된 그 ‘무엇’이 있었던 것은 아니라고 본다. 따라서 전교조운동에 대한 ‘성찰’은 단순히 몇 가지 사업에 대한 평가나 현재 나타나는 현상에 대한 즉자적 고민보다는 전교조운동의 역사적 과정을 되짚어 보는 데서 출발해야 한다. 그리고 ‘성찰’ 결과를 현재 정치, 경제, 사회, 교육적 조건에서 어떻게 되새김질 할 것인가를 밝히는 과정이 되어야 한다. 전교조운동에 대한 ‘전망’ 또한 이러한 과정을 통해 제시되어야 마땅하다.
박근혜 정권은 자본을 살리기 위해 임금체계 개편을 비롯하여 규제완화, 공공부문 민영화, 비정규직 확대에 사활을 걸고 있고 노동조합을 법외로 내몰고, 노동기본권에 대한 공세를 강화하고 있다. 생색내기였던 복지마저 포기하고, 민주주의를 팽개치고 있다. 노동자·민중을 분신으로, 자살로, 고공농성으로 ‘살기 위해 죽어야 하는 길’로 내몰고 있다. 또한 전교조 법외노조 강행, 교사․공무원 연금법 개악, 교육자치 훼손, 국정교과서를 통한 교육 독점, 불평등 교육 강화 등 교육에 대한 계급적 통제를 강화하고 있다. 전교조운동의 ‘성찰’과 ‘전망’에 대한 논의는 노동자․민중이 처한 이러한 현실을 직시하고, 그 속에서 ‘전교조는 무엇을, 어떻게 할 것인가’라는 고민에서 시작해야 한다. 교육 문제는 계급 문제일 수밖에 없기 때문이다.
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Boyce 18-02-20 18:20
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