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작성일 : 14-12-29 10:42
교육노동운동, 성찰과 전망
 글쓴이 : 하성환
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진보평론 62호(2014년 겨울) 쟁점

이 글은 진보평론 61호에 게재된 “전교조 운동 노선에 대한 비판적 제언”(이하 제언)을 발전시킨 글이다. 따라서 전호에 게재된 내용과 중복되는 점이 있다. 또한 이 글은 필자의 “제언”을 비판한 이철호의 “전교조, 불순한 정치를 말하다: 하성환의 ‘전교조 운동 노선에 대한 비판적 제언’(“진보평론” 61호)을 비판하며”를 반비판한 글이기도 하다.


하성환 · 전교조 서울지부 여의도고 분회장



1. 들어가며

1987년 6월 시민항쟁 이후 한국사회는 자유 민주주의 사회로 첫걸음을 내딛기 시작하였다. 이후 한국 사회는 사회 각 부문의 다양성이 표출되고 개인주의가 성장하였으며 국가주의 이데올로기가 해체되는 집단적 경험을 하였다. 90년대 들어서는 시민 민주주의의 등장으로 시민사회세력의 급속한 성장과 시민운동이 꽃피우게 되었다. 하지만 안타깝게도 상대적으로 민중운동 진영인 진보적인 사회·학생운동과 노동운동은 전체 운동의 중심에 서질 못하고 시민운동에 포섭된 채 독자적인 목소리를 내는 데엔 한계를 노정하였다. 이는 1990년대 중·후반 신자유주의 광풍이 휘몰아치면서 자본과 권력의 탄압이 집중된 탓도 있지만 무엇보다 운동 조직 내부의 주체적인 대응노선전략의 부재를 지적하지 않을 수 없다. 1990년대를 관통하면서 진보적인 사회운동, 학생운동 세력은 운동의 중심을 잃고 급속히 변방으로 내몰렸으며 노동운동 역시 서서히 쇠퇴의 길을 걸었다. 1987년 노동조합 조직률이 23%에 이르렀으나 오늘날 10%에도 미치지 못하는 암울한 현실은 그것을 웅변적으로 보여준다.
1990년대 들어 시민사회세력이 급속히 성장하면서 시민운동이 한국사회 전체운동의 중심으로 급부상한 것은 객관적으로 시민 민주주의라는 한국사회 성격 상 당연한 일인지도 모른다. 문제는 노동운동이 왜 성장하질 못하고 정체된 채 전망이 어두운가에 있다. 특히 교육노동운동의 독보적 존재인 전교조 운동의 침체는 현실을 더욱 무겁게 하고 있다. 민주노총 60만 조합원 가운데 5만 명이 전교조 조합원이다. 많을 때는 10만 명(2003년)에 이르렀으니 민주노총 전체 조합원의 1/6을 구성한 셈이다. 이처럼 민주노총에서 차지하는 전교조의 비중이 크다는 점을 생각할 때 전교조의 침체는 전체 노동운동의 정체가 된다. 이는 노동운동의 항상적 위기로 읽혀왔다.
자본과 권력의 탄압이 점점 교묘해진 현실, 한국사회 물질적 토대의 가면적 성장, 민주-반민주 대립의 구도에서 진보-보수로의 한국사회 정치지형의 변화와 의식의 전반적 보수화는 객관적 조건이다. 그러나 이것이 노동운동이 왜 답보상태인지 설명하는 결정적 이유는 될 수 없다. 문제는 노동운동 세력, 특히 교육노동운동 세력의 주체적인 대응의 부재에서 찾아야 한다. 이러한 관점 하에 전교조의 운동 노선과 운영 체계상의 문제점을 중점적으로 분석해 보고 이를 바탕으로 교육노동운동의 주체적 대응, 곧 전망을 언급해 보겠다.


2. 전교조 운동노선에 대한 성찰
1999년 전교조는 결성 10년 만에 합법화를 맞는다. 1만 명 조합원 시대에서 합법화 이후 조직력이 급성장하여 2003년도에는 10만 조합원 시대가 된다. 그러나 2003년도를 정점으로 85,000명(2006년), 79,000명(2007년), 75,000명(2008년), 70,000명(2009년), 60,000명(2010년), 48,000명(2014년)으로 내리막길을 걷고 있다. 2013년 법외노조 통보와 2014년 세월호 참사 이후 전교조의 활동력과 존재감이 정치사회적으로 부각되면서 조합원이탈이 주춤하고 재가입교사나 신규가입교사가 일부 늘어나기도 했다. 이는 전교조 운동이 주목해야 할 지점이자 전교조 운동 노선에 대한 비판적 성찰이 주어져야 할 대목이다. 왜냐하면 이명박 정권 하에 전교조에 대한 탄압이 집중되었던 3년 동안 15,000명이 탈퇴한 사실을 불의한 권력의 가혹한 탄압으로만 설명할 수 없게 하기 때문이다.
2013년 박근혜 정권에서 전교조가 법외노조로 내쫓기며 더욱 가혹한 탄압을 받았을 때 오히려 조합원 수는 증가하였다. 따라서 권력의 부당한 탄압은 조합원 이탈의 이유가 되지 않는다. 오히려 권력의 부당한 탄압이 전교조를 활성화시킬 수도 있고 역으로 전교조의 존재를 각인시켜 줄 수도 있기 때문이다. 문제는 합법 시기 이른바 민주정부라 불렀던 자유주의 정권 시절 4년 동안 2만 명 가까운 조합원이 전교조를 떠난 사실이다. 네이스 반대 투쟁(2003-2004)과 교원평가 반대 투쟁(2005-2006) 시기로 특별하게 권력에 의한 탄압이 집중되거나 권력에 의한 침탈이 자행됐던 시기가 아니다.
결론부터 이야기하자면 전교조가 노동조합으로서 자기 정체성을 견지한 채 자기 역할에 충실하지 못한 점을 성찰해야 한다. 운동의 대의와 순수성을 견지하였지만 노동조합으로서의 자기 정체성을 간직한 채 대중운동노선―교사대중의 사회경제적 권익을 위한 투쟁―을 견지하기보다 정부 정책에 반대하는 정치투쟁 일변도가 되었다. 네이스 반대 투쟁(2003-2004)과 교원평가 반대 투쟁(2005-2006)에 대해 좀 더 구체적으로 살펴보자.
네이스 반대 투쟁은 정보인권 개념을 사회 저변에 확산시키고 수백 개 시민사회단체와 공고한 연대활동의 성과를 만들어 냈으며 정치권에 위력적인 존재감을 각인시켜 전교조의 위상을 한껏 높여준 긍정적인 측면이 있었다. 그럼에도 이 시기 노동조합의 기본이라 할 수 있는 지도부와 교사대중의 관계는 소원해졌다. 소원해진 정도가 아니라 전교조와 교사대중과의 간극을 확인시켰다. 전교조 지도부는 교사대중의 직접적인 이해와 요구에 합치된 투쟁의제가 아니었음에도 네이스 도입 반대에 조직력을 집중시켰고 해를 넘기면서까지 총력투쟁을 벌였다.
네이스 반대 투쟁은 인정하고 싶지 않지만 조합원이 전교조에 거리를 두는 결과를 초래했다. 교사대중의 사회경제적 권익 향상과 근무조건 개선이라는 노동조합의 존재론적 목적보다는 교육사회 양심세력으로서의 역할에 주력하는 모습으로 재차 다가왔기 때문이다. 이런 투쟁은 1989년에는 심정적 지지와 박수를 받았겠지만 2000년대 전교조가 그것도 합법노조가 취할 모습은 아니라고 본다.
차라리 노무현 대통령 공약사항이었던 교육공공성 강화, 바로 GDP 대비 교육예산 6% 이상 확보, 그리고 법정 교원 수 확보, 나아가 교사 잡무 철폐, 학급당 학생 수 감축 http://kess.kedi.re.kr 참고. 한국은 초·중학교 모두 학급당 학생 수가 OECD 꼴찌 수준이다. 2013년 현재 OECD 평균은 초등(21.2명), 중학교(23.3명)인데 한국은 초등(26.3명), 중학교(34명)로 격차가 크다.
을 위해 전교조가 총력 투쟁하였더라면 조합원 이탈이 아니라 비조합원의 가입도 예상해 볼 수 있다. 전교조는 1989년이든 2000년대든 바뀐 게 없다. 시민운동이 전체 운동을 주도하는 판도 속에서 전교조는 시민운동의 마인드로 교육의제에 접근하고 있고 정치투쟁 일변도로 치닫고 있다. 이는 전교조 스스로 노동조합으로서의 자기정체성에 대한 성찰이 빈곤한 탓이다.
노동운동의 성장은 교사대중의 직접적 이해와 요구를 중심으로 투쟁의제를 설정하고 정책화할 때 가능하다. 주요 모순에 대한 투쟁과 부차적인 교육투쟁을 구분하지 못한 채 조직력을 집중하는 것은 교사대중에 대한 기만이다. 네이스 반대 투쟁의 경우 전교조 본부 차원에서 반대 성명서 발표, 그리고 시민사회단체와 연대하는 반대성명서를 끌어내 여론을 환기시키는 여론전으로, 그리고 주요투쟁이 아니라 부차적인 투쟁으로 단기간에 끝냈어야 했다. 특별한 탄압이 가해져 오거나 신분상 불이익이 온 것도 아닌데 2003-2004년 2년 사이에 만 명의 교사대중이 조합을 이탈한 것은 전교조 활동이 자신에게 실질적 이득이 되지 않는다고 판단한 때문이라고 본다. 교사대중조직으로서 특히 노동조합으로서 전교조가 깊이 성찰해야 할 대목이다.
2005-2006년 진행된 교원평가반대 투쟁은 전교조가 교사대중에게서 거리를 두는 정도를 넘어 외로운 섬처럼 고립된 투쟁이었다. 투쟁의 결과 전교조는 교사이익집단으로 매도되었고 국민 일반으로부터 초심을 잃은 집단으로 규정되었다. 2009년 서울시 교육감 선거 당시 공정택 후보는 ‘전교조에 휘둘리면 학교가 망한다’는 플래카드를 내걸고 당선된 사실은 이미 전교조가 교사이익집단으로 규정된 채 고립되었다는 것을 반증한다. 2008년 민주노총 간부의 전교조 여교사에 대한 성폭력 사건이 발생했을 때의 전교조는 교사이익집단으로 고립된 전교조가 이제 자정능력조차 상실한 운동집단이 된 것인가라는 우려를 낳게 했다. 오죽하면 진보적인 시민단체조차 전교조가 초심으로 돌아가야 한다고 주문했을까!
나는 전교조가 초심을 잃었다고 생각지는 않는다. 전교조는 1989년 그때처럼 여전히 순수하고 도덕적이다. 진보의 무기인 도덕성과 헌신성으로 무장하였고 자정능력 있고 활동가 한 사람 한 사람 모두 훌륭한 품성을 갖춘, 보기 드문 운동단체라고 확신한다. 나는 그런 모습을 주변 교육동지들의 헌신성과 희생정신, 그리고 씩∼ 웃는 해맑은 표정에서 매일 마주한다. 투쟁 현장뿐 아니라 교육과 선전, 조직과 연대활동에서 그리고 교사로서 학생들을 대하는 태도에서 조합원 교사의 보석처럼 빛나는 열정과 헌신을 자주 목격하고 감탄하곤 한다.
교원평가 반대투쟁을 전개하던 2005년-2006년엔 조합원 이탈은커녕 오히려 85,000명에서 일시적이지만 조합원수가 더 증가하는 현상도 나타났다. 이는 교원평가 전면 거부라는 비타협적 원칙을 고수하며 강경하게 투쟁했던 "교찾사" (‘교육노동운동의 전망을 찾는 사람들’의 약칭, 옛 비판안 의견그룹, PD계열) 출신 지도부가 이루어낸 2006년 성과물이다. 2005년 교원평가 반대 투쟁 당시 연가투쟁에 회의를 보이며 전술적 차원에서 정부와 교섭을 중시했던 "혁단"(‘전교조 혁신과 단결을 위한 전국모임’의 약칭, "참솔"과 "교육과 노동 포럼" 등이 중심이 되어 만든 정파. 옛 기존안 의견그룹, NL계열)의 이수일 위원장의 유연한 현실타협적 노선과 달리 교사대중은 강경한 투쟁을 주문했다.
그 당시 교사 대중은 신자유주의 교육정책의 하나인 교원평가에 대해서는 직접적인 이해와 관심을 보였고 그것은 그대로 교원평가 전면 거부라는 2006년 지도부("교찾사")의 방침에 대한 절대적 지지와 결속, 나아가 조합원 수의 증가로 나타났다. 그러나 비타협적 교원평가 반대투쟁은 조합원 수의 일시적 증가를 가져왔지만 국민들로부터는 외면당한 투쟁으로 전술상 명백한 오류였다. 왜냐하면 운동노선 상 교사대중의 이해와 요구를 받아든 강경한 대중운동노선이지만 전술 운용 면에서는 좀 더 유연했어야 했다.
시종일관 교원평가 전면 거부라는 경직된 투쟁 전술을 구사함으로써 낭만주의적 흐름을 보였으며 마침내 국민과 여론으로부터 교사이기주의로 규정되었다. 결국 교원평가 반대 투쟁은 내내 수세적인 국면을 벗어나지 못했다. 교원평가 찬성이라는 대원칙은 수용하되 ‘무엇을’ 평가할 것인가, 그리고 ‘어떻게’ 평가할 것인가라는 평가대상 선정과 평가방법에 대해 교사대중의 의견을 수렴하고 총력 투쟁하였다면 전교조가 주도권을 쥐고 여론을 주도하며 승리할 수 있었을 것이다.
좀 더 솔직히 말하면 학교사회에 부적격교사가 존재하는 것이 엄연한 현실 아닌가? 성추행 교사, 폭력교사, 뇌물수수교사, 성적조작교사 등의 부적격교사들은 수십 년 동안 국민과 학부모의 원성의 대상이 되어왔고 어린 학생들에게 씻을 수 없는 상처를 안기고 있음을 부인해서는 안 된다. 교육개혁 주체로서 전교조는 이들을 발본색원해서 학교 현장으로부터 추방시켜야 할 책무 역시 존재한다.
오늘날 교사는 교육개혁의 주체이기도 하지만 교육개혁의 대상이기도 하다. 불평등한 사회구조를 재생산함으로써 지배계급의 이익에 충직한 지식기능인으로 복무하고 있음 또한 부인할 수 없다. 불평등한 사회구조를 끊임없이 재생산할 뿐만 아니라 분단 상황에 순응하여 민족모순에 문제를 느끼지 못한 채 영혼이 없는 교사로 살아가는 교육군상들이 얼마나 많은가!
교원평가를 수용하는 국민과 학부모의 심중을 좀 더 정확히 읽어내고 교원평가 정책을 정조준하여 평가의 대전제를 수용하되 신자유주의 학교정책을 반대하는 등 투쟁의 지점을 정밀 타격하는 양동작전을 구사했더라면 국민은 전교조에 여전히 신뢰와 기대를 보냈을 것이다. 2006년 교원평가투쟁은 우직하다 못해 경직된 투쟁전술이었다. 국민의 지지를 전취하는 유연하고 지혜로운 투쟁은 아니었다. 전교조의 고립을 자초했다는 점에서 대중추수주의로 흐른 느낌을 지울 수 없다. 적어도 교원평가반대 국면에서 "교찾사", "혁단" 모두 교원평가에 반대했음에도 정파 간 전술차이에 불과했던 측면이 교사대중에게 과도한 정파 간 경쟁으로 왜곡되었고 대중추수주의라는 나쁜 선례를 남겼다.
전교조가 걸어가야 할 노선은 대중추수주의로 흐르지 않되 운동의 대의와 대중성, 보편성을 견지한 견결한 대중노선이어야 한다. 교사대중의 직접적 이해와 요구에 결합하되 보편적 가치를 지향하는 대중운동노선이 전교조가 걸어야 할 투쟁노선이다. 이러한 모습은 2001년 성과급 반납투쟁에서 경험한 바 있다. 당시 교사대중의 전국적 조직력과 투쟁의 열기는 전교조 운동 역사상 단연 압권이었다. 조합원 가입이 잇따랐고 이 투쟁으로 전교조는 한국사회 교육노동운동의 상징체가 되었다.
대중운동노선이 정치투쟁을 배제하는 것은 아니다. 아니 전교조가 대중운동노선을 견결하게 견지할 때 가장 정치적이고 전교조는 가장 불순한 정치가 될 수 있을 것이다. 왜냐하면 대중운동노선은 일견 경제투쟁처럼 비춰지기도 하지만 결국 정치투쟁으로 나아갈 수밖에 없기 때문이다. 이 세상에 정치적이지 아니한 것이 있는가? 모든 사회현상은 이념적이고 정치적이다.
진보평론 61호에서 필자의 “제언”을 비판하며 이철호는 랑시에르의 말을 빌어, 정치와 통치(치안)를 구분하면서 지금 한국사회는 정치의 시대가 아니라 통치(치안)의 시대라고 주장한다. 그래서 전교조가 불순한 정치를 말할 수밖에 없고 또 마땅히 그래야 한다고 본다. 1980년대 군부독재 시절이라면 이철호의 주장은 맞다. 시민의 기본권인 초보적인 자유권조차 쉽게 유린됐던 독재 시절이라면 치안의 시대의 종말을 위해 칼끝으로 찔러 파열구를 내는 정치투쟁이 옳다. 그러나 시민의 자유가 확대되고 개성이 강조되면서 다양한 시민사회세력의 진출과 분화를 경험한 2000년대 노동조합운동은 자기정체성에 충실해야 한다.
다시 말해 랑시에르를 인용한다 해도 거대담론으로서의 정치, 정치투쟁을 전교조가 운동노선으로 채용하고 정당화할 이유가 될 수는 없다. 대중교사가 매일 맞닥뜨리는 교육모순과의 투쟁은 일상의 정치이고 계급운동이다. 노동운동 역시 지배 이데올로기가 쳐놓은 미세한 그물에 균열을 가하고 지배세력이 짜놓은 통제기제에 의문을 제기하는 것에서 랑시에르의 해방은 시작된다고 본다. 대중교사들에게 강요하고 강제하는 일상의 모순에 대한 주체적 저항, 지배 이데올로기에 대한 회의와 균열을 가하는 일상의 투쟁이 정치이고 노동해방 아닌가.
매일 마주하는 일상의 교육모순, 그것은 교육불평등과 반교육의 이데올로기로 지극히 정치적인 것들이다. 아침 등교시간 교문 앞에 서서 학생들을 쳐다보는 통제와 감시어린 풍경이 그렇고 이명박 정권에서 시작된 입학사정관 전형이 그렇다. 입학사정관제 전형을 위해 생활기록부에 포트폴리오를 구성하며 십여 장이 넘게 입력해야하는 수십만 교사의 허망한 손놀림이, 아니 아이들이 자기소개서를 부풀려 쓰도록 유혹하는 현실은 정치적이지 않은가! 화려한 문체로 그럴 듯하게 쓰는 추천서는……. 이 모든 것들이 지배계급이 짜놓은 사회구조를 당연하다는 듯이 수용하게 만드는 일상의 통제이고 정치이다. 이것이야말로 계급 지배의 재생산구조를 받아들이도록 강요하는 통치(치안)의 시대의 증표들 아닌가!
세월호 시국선언만이 불순한 정치가 아니다. 교문지도를 없애는 것도 정치투쟁이고 불순한 정치의 영역이다. 일제 식민지 잔재인 유치원 명칭을 바꾸는 것도 불순한 정치이고 교감제도를 없애는 것도 정치투쟁이며 교육부-교육청을 현장교사 발아래 두도록 현장 조직력을 복원하고 교사집단의 조직력을 강화하는 것도 불순한 정치이다. 무엇보다 교육노동운동의 당면과제인 담임수당 현실화 투쟁 역시 교육모순에서 시작된 만큼 정치투쟁이고 결국 정치적으로 해결할 수밖에 없는 불순한 정치이다. 교육노동자 스스로 주체적으로 일상의 모순을 인식하고 사회 구조에 의문을 품고 자기 머리로 사고하고 학습하면서 연대하는 일상의 활동 자체가 사회변혁의 출발점이며 그 자체로 불순한 정치라고 본다.
아니 오히려 노동조합으로서 전교조는 교육노동운동을 하는 조직이기에 일상에 천착하여 대중 교사가 겪는 일상의 모순에 주목하고 교육모순을 해결하려는 교사의 실천적 노력에 지지를 보내며 그로부터 투쟁의제를 끌어내야 한다. 그것이 진정한 랑시에르의 정치 아닌가! 일선 교육노동자의 고민과 모순에 대한 저항과 일상의 분노로부터 교육노동운동의 과제를 이끌어내는 정민승, "‘무지한 스승’의 보편적 가르침", “교육비평” 27호, 2010년 봄호, 182쪽.
데 전교조는 게을렀다. 교사 ‘집단’을 강조하며 노동 ‘계급’을 우선시하는 거대담론의 정치에 매몰된 채 대중교사들이 마주하는 일상의 교육모순덩어리인 불순한 정치 현실에 눈감아 온 것은 아닌가.
러시아 혁명 당시 교사 학생들과 거리로 뛰쳐나가 시위대에 합류했던 마카렌코 敎師養成硏究會, "近代敎育史", 學藝圖書, 1962, 101쪽.
까지는 아니더라도 전교조는 스위스 시민혁명의 와중에서 낡은 교육질서와 봉건적인 질서에 맞서 싸우며 교육을 통해 인간 해방을 꿈꾸었던 스위스 교원노조의 아버지 김정환, "전인교육 어떻게 할 것인가", 내일을 여는 책, 1997, 136쪽.
 페스탈로치를 기억하고 닮아가야 한다.
교육모순으로 중첩된 낡은 교육질서는 한국 사회의 변혁의 대상이자 역사적 청산과제이다. 교육모순은 역사적으로 그 원인이 있다. 해방 후 단 한 번도 반민족행위자들을 처벌한 적이 없는 한국사회는 민족모순(분단모순)을 고스란히 교육모순으로 떠안고 있다. 이 시대 교사가 중층적 교육모순 속에서 아이들의 삶을 지켜내고 교육을 통해 세상을 바꾸는 교육운동가 나아가 교육노동운동가가 되어야 하는 이유가 거기에 있다. 교육은 세상을 말갛게 씻어내는 사회적 힘이자 무기이다. 교사의 ‘언어’는 아이들의 영혼을 지켜내는 정치한 예술이 될 수 있다.
독재시절에 강요당한 앵무새 같은 언어가 아니라 민족모순에 깊이 천착하고 사회 계급모순을 꿰뚫어 볼 수 있는 교사 자신의 주체적 언어로 아이들을 만나야 한다. 왜냐하면 교사의 통상적 언어들은 성찰적이지 않으며 계급지배의 도구로 기능하기 때문이다. 아이들에게 입시현실을 생각해서 ‘열심히 공부하라’고 하는 단순한 격려의 언어에도 불평등한 사회 현실, 바로 한국사회 계급불평등, 열등감, 좌절감, 패배를 당연한 것으로 전제하는 의미가 함축돼 있다. 이는 불평등을 인식하지 못하게 할 뿐 아니라 당연한 것으로 받아들여 계급지배의 종속적 사회화에 기여할 뿐이다.
이 시대 교사는 부르주아 교육문법에 포섭된 언어를 사용해서는 안 된다. 적어도 교육을 통해 사회를 변혁하고자 열망하는 교사의 길을 걷고자 한다면 억압과 통제, 열패감이 강제된 언어 사용을 거부하고 아이들의 현실과 세계를 바라보고 이해할 수 있는 성찰적 언어, 주체적 인식에 기초한 감성적 언어를 사용해야 한다. 아이들의 처지를 이해하고 현실을 기만하지 않는 교사의 정직한 언어는 관계 맺기에도 유효하고 아이들에게 감동을 줄 수 있다. 결국 지배계급의 언어가 아니라 교사 자신의 주체적 사고와 성찰적 삶이 담겨있는 감성적 언어는 아이들로 하여금 (따뜻한) 인간이 되는, 삶과 주변의 만물과 관계를 맺는 여러 다른 방식에 상응 미할리스 멘티니스, "사빠띠스따의 진화", 서창현 옮김, 갈무리, 2009, 348쪽.
하며 긍정적인 영향을 미친다.

3. 전교조 운영 체계의 문제
다음으로 전교조 운영체계상의 문제점을 분석해 보자. 오래 전부터 주장해온 내용이지만 10년이 지난 지금도 전교조 조직 운영에는 별다른 변화가 보이지 않는다. 이는 오늘날 전교조의 운동노선과도 관련이 깊다.

1) 전교조 대의 체계의 문제
먼저 전교조 대의 체계의 비민주적 성격이다. 전교조 조직의 생명력을 지속시키기 위해서는 교육·선전·연대·투쟁·조직 활동 등 전교조 운동 전반에 걸쳐 민주주의를 관철시켜야 한다. 나무의 뿌리로부터 수액을 빨아올릴 때 건강하게 잎이 달리고 열매가 맺고 꽃이 피듯 전교조의 생명력은 조직의 민주주의에 있다. 조직의 민주주의는 분회가 살아있을 때 가능하다. 그러나 불행하게도 전교조의 뿌리에 해당하는 분회 총회가 성원 미달로 개최되지 못하거나 서울지역 교육노동운동의 상징적 지회에서조차 총회 성원이 간신히 과반에 이르는 경우가 일상적이다.
오늘날 전교조 조직 내 민주주의의 위기는 전교조 활동이 이루어지는 내내 일상의 풍경이자 일상의 위기로 인식되어 왔다. 이는 대의체계가 부실했거나 붕괴된 데 있다. 그러한 대의체계의 미숙함이 2004년 제41차 대의원대회를 기점으로 정파 간 갈등으로 표면화하였다. 2004년 원영만 위원장("교찾사") 당시 중앙집행위원회가 제출한 하반기 사업 안건을 반대진영 "혁신과 단결"측에서 수정동의안으로 제동을 걸었다. 이금자, "전교조 내 공론장 구조와 왜곡 요인에 관한 연구: 합법화(1999) 이후 전교조를 중심으로", 성공회대 2006년 석사, 89쪽. 2004년 8월 41차 대의원 대회에 상정된 2004년 하반기 사업은 "총력투쟁을 통한 교원 구조조정과 교육시장화 저지, 그리고 공교육 개편의 전기를 마련해야 한다"는 중앙집행위원회 제안이다. 이에 대해 7월에 결성된 "혁단"은 "사립학교법 개정과 표준수업시수 법제화"를 단기 사업 내용으로 하는 수정동의안을 제출하였다.

2005년 "교찾사"와 "혁신과 단결"은 교원평가반대 투쟁에 대한 전술상의 명확한 입장 차이를 드러내면서 갈등이 증폭되었다. 2004년 수정동의안으로 촉발된 정파 간 갈등은 2005년 대의원 선거에서 교원평가를 쟁점으로 첨예하게 충돌했던 것이다. 이후 대의원대회는 대의기능이 무너진 채, 정파 간 대결구도의 장으로 전락해 가고 있다. 앞의 논문, 92쪽.
 대의체계가 무너지고 점점 소통이 부재하게 되면서 10,000 개의 학교에서 분회장 세우기가 어렵다. 분회장이 없는 사고분회가 존재하며 공동분회장 형태의 학교들도 나타났다.
그러나 의결권을 갖는 대의원 선거와 전교조 주요 정책을 결정하고 집행하는 중앙집행위원회의 구성원인 지부장 선거는 정파 간 치열한 경쟁 속에 전개되어 왔다. 전교조 조직 내 소수 의견그룹이나 다양한 정파의 존재는 조직운영 상 자연스러운 현상이다. 의견그룹이나 정파가 건강하게 작동될 경우 조직 내 논의를 활성화시키고 다양한 의제를 창출하는 순기능으로 작용할 수 있기 때문이다. 그러나 의결권과 집행권을 장악하기 위해서 자기 정파 소속 대의원 수를 늘리고 자기 정파 소속 지부장을 당선시키기 위해 과열 경쟁을 벌이는 것은 평조합원 다수에게는 왜곡되어져 전달될 수 있다.
진보를 표방하는 전교조가 투쟁의 대상이었던 부르주아 정치권력과 정치인을 닮아가는 듯하고 전교조의 활동력이 부르주아 정치문법에 갇혀 있는 느낌이다. 분회장 선거는 전혀 열기가 없는데 운동 권력이 집중된 위원장-지부장-대의원 선거는 치열하다. 자신이 한때 사민당 당원이었던 로베르트 미헬스의 지적처럼 사회민주주의를 표방하는 진보적인 정당조차 소수 엘리트에 의한 ‘과두제의 철칙’이 관철되듯이 전교조 조직 내 민주주의 실현은 성찰적 변화가 없는 현재로선 요원해 보인다.
전교조는 거대 공룡 조직으로 막강한 힘이 있어 보이지만 실상 내부는 의사결정과정이 매우 취약하여 외양과는 다르다. 전교조의 실질적 힘은 평조합원에게서 나오는 것인데 평조합원의 실체인 분회가 제 기능을 못하고 있기 때문이다. 중집위 결정사항은 상명하달식으로 지부-지회-분회로 전달되고 투쟁의 동력이어야 할 분회는 단지 집회 동원의 대상으로 전락한 느낌이다. 전교조 분회는 뿌리인데 뿌리가 죽은 나무처럼 전교조는 생명력이 없다.
실제로 2010년 이후 전교조 신규 가입교사가 더 이상 늘지 않고 지속적으로 감소하는 추세이다. 2010년 6만 조합원이었는데 2010년 진보교육감이 탄생하고 2014년 13개 시도에서 진보교육감이 진출하였음에도 불구하고 현재 조합원은 48,000명(2014년 1월 13일 현재 CMS 조합비 납부자 47,000명)으로 4년 전에 비해 만여 명이 줄었다. 그사이 전교조는 존재감이 미미해져갔다. 박근혜 정권의 전교조 탄압이 그나마 더 이상의 전교조 이탈을 막아주는 형국이다. 2013년 법외노조 통보 사건은 오히려 조합원의 내부 결속과 단결, 그리고 일부 탈퇴교사의 전교조 재가입 현상을 낳기도 하였다.
전교조가 다시 정치사회적으로 존재감을 드러내고 있는 것은 박근혜 정권의 일방적인 법외노조 시도와 세월호 참사로 인해 오히려 투쟁력이 다시 살아나기 때문이다. 역설적인 현상이지만 존재감이 없었던 전교조가 외부의 힘에 의해 되살아나고 있는 것이다. 그러나 이는 일시적인 현상에 지나지 않을 것이라 예상된다. 왜냐하면 법외노조와 세월호 참사는 장기적인 투쟁이기 때문이다. 전교조의 존재감과 생명력을 외적인 것에서 얻으려하기보다 내부에서 전교조 조직 내 민주주의를 일궈냄으로써 찾아야 한다. 이는 오롯이 전교조 조합원 교사들의 몫이다.

2) 전교조의 관료적 조직운영의 문제
다음으로 전교조 운영체계상 조직의 관료화를 지적할 수 있다. 전교조는 본부-지부-지회-분회로 층층이 구조화된 조직이다. 연간 예산 150억, 48,000 조합원, 전임자와 상근자 인력 100명, 조직률 15%, 전국 1만 여개 초·중·고 학교에 조합원을 두고 연결된 거대 운동조직이다. 한국사회 최대의 NGO 참여연대 1년 예산이 20억이 채 안 되는 현실을 생각하면 조직력과 자금력의 면에서 공룡 조직이라고 할 수 있다. 문제는 그 역할에 있다.
전교조는 스스로 한국사회 변혁운동의 명제를 제시하고 교육부문 정치사회적 의제를 주도적으로 설정하고 정책화하는 능력이 미미하다. 그것은 조직 구성이 교육, 선전, 연대, 투쟁 중심이지 정책 연구 및 대안 정책 중심이 아니기 때문이다. 전교조는 학벌사회 해체 등 사회변혁 운동의 명제를 먼저 제시하고 정치적 쟁점으로 여론화, 공론화할 수 있는 능력이 없다. 교육부문 역시 교육의제를 설정하고 정부 정책으로 강제하거나 이끌어 내질 못한다. 전교조 내 연구 집단과 전교조 유관 연구 인력을 유기적으로 연계시키면 충분히 가능한데도 그럴 의지가 없는 것이다. 그것은 전교조 전체 예산 가운데 정책 개발, 대안 정책 제시를 위한 연구에 배정된 예산이 극히 미미하다. 참교육연구소 상근인력이 고작 2명(?)에 불과한데 어떻게 정부 정책에 영향력을 미칠 수 있을 것인가!
이제껏 전교조가 정부 정책에 끌려가듯이 반대 투쟁으로 일관해 온 것은 그러한 사실을 단적으로 보여준다. 관료화된 전교조 조직을 연구―활동으로 이원화하고 정책 연구개발에 절대적 예산을 최우선적으로 배분해야 한다. 교육, 선전, 조직, 연대, 투쟁 활동은 본부―분회로 슬림화하고 지부는 교섭과 연대 활동으로 그 규모를 축소하며 지회는 사실상 해체하는 게 바람직하다. 조직을 슬림화하면 조합원과의 소통구조가 원활해지고 오히려 조직 내 생생한 민주적인 기운을 맛볼 수 있다. 인터넷, 스마트 폰, SNS 등의 네트워크 시대가 도래한 만큼 전교조 운동 양식도 근본적으로 달라져야 한다. 나아가 지부, 지회 예산의 상당 부분이 분회로 흘러들어가 분회 활동이 활발하게 전개될 수 있도록 조직의 재편이 시급하다.
156억 전교조 예산(2014년도)에도 불구하고 분회는 거의 운동자금이 없다. 조합비 이외에 분회활동비를 따로 걷어서 한 학기에 한두 번 조합원 교사들끼리 모여서 밥 한 끼 같이 먹는 정도에 그치는 게 학교 현장의 일반적인 분회활동이다. 분회 차원의 대외활동, 지역 연대활동은 상상할 수도 없고 학교민주화 투쟁을 조직하기도 어렵다. 1980년대 한국사회 지역 교사·교육운동 발원지인 서울 공립 중등 남부 지회 1년 예산이 3천만 원(2014년)에 이른다. 전국교직원 노동조합 서울지부 공립중등 남부지회, "2014년 해오름 한마당" 자료집, 14쪽.
 지회마다 조합원 수가 달라서 천차만별이겠지만 분회는 가난하지만 대체로 지회는 부유하다. 지회가 하는 독자 사업의 상당 부분을 분회로 분산시켜 돌리고 지회는 분회장 총의를 모았을 때만 한시적으로 고유한 활동 영역을 갖도록 규정해야 한다.
민주집중제의 원리가 관철되는 전교조는 오늘날 직접 민주주의가 실현되는 살아 꿈틀대는 조직으로 거듭나야 한다. 그렇지 못하면 전교조는 경직된 관료제 조직형태를 넘어서서 권위주의적인 권력집중 형태를 띨 수도 있다. 오늘날 기독교 교회조직이 초대 그리스도교 공동체 정신을 망각했듯이, 현실 사회주의 운동 조직이 관료화, 권위주의로 인해 몰락했듯이 스스로 변신하지 않는 한 전교조도 노동조합이라는 또 하나의 박제화 된 기구, 고철덩어리로 남게 될 것이다.

4. 주체적 대응을 통한 전망
1) 교사의 사회경제적 의제를 중심으로 투쟁을 전개하자!
전교조는 평교사의 권익과 이해를 대변하는 운동조직으로 거듭나야 한다. 그것이 전교조가 살아 있는 운동 조직으로 생명력을 유지할 수 있는 길이다. 그 길은 전교조 조합원뿐만 아니라 전체 교사대중의 사회경제적 권익과 복지에 집중해야 한다. 명분과 대의에 집착한 채 정치적 의제에 투쟁을 집중하다보면 지도부만 남고 교사대중은 없는 속빈 강정이 되기 십상이다. 전투적 노동조합운동을 견지하되 운동의 1차적 목표가 교사대중의 근무조건이자 사회경제적 권익이어야 한다.
공식적인 자료는 아니지만 조합비 기준 호봉(2014년 현재 25호봉)을 생각할 때 전교조 조합원의 평균 연령은 40대 초·중반으로 추정해 볼 수 있다. 현재 필자가 근무하는 학교의 조합원 수가 24명인데 평균 47세이다. 20대 교사가 없고 30대 후반 4명, 40대 10명, 50대 10명의 분포이다. 이런 현상은 아마도 전국적인 현상일 가능성이 높다. 이전에 근무했던 학교들에서도 20-30대 젊은 조합원 교사들을 만나기가 여간 어려운 게 아니었다.
20-30대 젊은 조합원 교사들은 전교조 조직 내에서 보석 같은 존재들이다. 갈수록 전교조 조합원 연령대는 고령화할 것이고 신규조합원 가입자 수는 격감할 것이다. 특단의 대책을 세워야 한다. 전투적 노동운동의 신화로서 전교조가 대정부투쟁을 견결하게 전개하되 투쟁의 내용은 교사대중의 사회경제적 권익과 복지에 두어야 하는 이유이다. 구체적으로 학급당 학생 수 감축 투쟁, 법정 교원 수 확보 투쟁, 교사 잡무 철폐투쟁, 담임수당 현실화 투쟁 등은 비전교조 대중교사들뿐 아니라 국민적 지지를 얻을 수 있는 투쟁들이다. 이를 위해 지도부가 결의를 다지는 삭발단식 농성 등의 투쟁을 앞서 이끌어간다면 교사대중들은 의무감에 따른 동원(?)된 부대의 성격이 아니라 자발적이고 주체적으로 신이 나서 참여하게 될 것이다.
비교육적인 잡무와 때로는 교육과 전혀 무관한 잡무에 파묻혀 수업연구를 전혀 하지 못할 때 교사는 무력감에 빠질 뿐 아니라 정의감에 상처를 받는다. 수업연구가 안 되어 있는데 어떻게 아이들을 가르칠 수 있겠는가. 나아가 한 달 11만원 담임수당을 생각해보자. 열악한 처우를 넘어서서 모욕적이기까지 하다. 이러한 것들을 해결하기 위한 전교조의 투쟁은 어떤 불순한 정치보다 더 불순하고 정치적이며 집요해야 한다.
이철호의 주장대로 세월호 국면에서 전교조가 세월호 거리서명과 특별법 제정을 위해 투쟁해야 함에 동의한다. 더불어 세월호 이후의 교육이 세월호 이전과 달라야 함도 안다. 세월호 선장이나 선박직 직원들, 청해진 해운, 해경, 해수부, 정부의 잘못도 결정적이지만 선내 방송만 믿고 250명 아이들을 통제(?)하며 질서정연하게 객실에 대기시킨 것도 교사들이다. 수백 명 목숨을 구할 수 있었던 8시 52분―9시 30분 그 금쪽같은 시간이 아니더라도 60도로 기울어진 9시 30분부터 마지막 교신이 있었던 10시 17분, 그 47분의 시간에 교사들 다수가 ‘객실이 안전하다’는 선내방송을 의심(거부)하고 아이들을 선실 바깥으로 나가라고만 했어도 18살 아이들은 난간을 짚고 서로 도우며 탈출할 수 있었을 지도 모른다. 노현웅, "정부, ‘세월호 구조’ 3번의 골든타임 날렸다", "한겨레" 2014. 10. 6. 광주지방법원에서 열린 세월호 선박직 승무원 공판에서 해경 123정이 이준석(69) 선장 등을 구조한 9시45분에 퇴선명령을 내렸더라면 6분17초 만에 승객들이 전원 바다로 탈출할 수 있었다는 시뮬레이션 결과를 내놓았다.
 교사 자신의 머리로 사고하고 주체적 판단이 필요했던 두고두고 아쉬운 대목이다.
일반 승객이 머물렀던 3층보다 4층 객실이 더 안전했음에도 학생들 생존율 "연합뉴스"(2014. 5. 6.)에 의하며 5월 5일 현재 공식 집계된 사망자 262명, 실종자 40명 기준으로 생존율은 일반인 71%, 교사 21%, 학생 23%다.
이 3층의 절반에도 미치지 못한 것은 그것을 반증한다. 의로운 죽음을 맞은 2학년 여선생님들 역시 탈출이 가장 쉬운 맨 꼭대기 5층에 머물렀음에도 2명을 제외하곤 모두 살아 돌아오질 못했다. 그것도 하나같이 구명조끼를 입지 않은 채 시신으로 발견되었던 사실에서 교사들이 어린 제자들을 생각하며 자신을 돌보지 않았던 숭고함을 떠올리게 한다. 물론 교사의 생존율이 21%로 가장 낮다. 견딜 수 없는 고통스런 상황에서 선비처럼 스스로 목숨을 끊은 교감 선생님까지 포함하면 교사 생존율은 14%에 지나지 않는다.
난간에 매달린 아이들을 구하고 다시 거세게 물이 들이치는 선실로 들어가 아이들을 구조하다 숨진 남윤철, 고창석, 이해봉 선생님을 비롯하여 많은 젊은 선생님들이 그렇게 산화해 갔다고 생존학생들은 전한다. 이태영, "세계일보" 2014. 4. 22; 현석훈, "민중의 소리" 4. 22-26; 김기성·김일우, "한겨레" 4. 30.
 그럼에도 학급 가운데 가장 많은 19명의 학생이 생존했던 2-1반 유니나 선생님의 빛났던 판단에 우리는 주목해야 한다. 절체절명의 순간에 밖으로 나가라고 외쳤던 한 젊은 여교사의 판단은 주체적 사고 하성환, "‘세월호’ 이후의 교육은 달라야 한다", "오마이뉴스" 2014. 6. 16.
의 전형이기 때문이다.
세월호 이후 한국교육은 달라야 한다. 지시와 복종, 통제와 지도가 아니라 자율과 협동, 주체적 사고와 배려로 패러다임을 전환해야 한다. 아이들을 수장시킨 이유 중 하나가 위계적인 한국사회 구정은, "경향신문" 2014. 4. 30.
와 통제 중심의 학교문화에 있다. 수직적인 학교문화에 익숙한 교사의 자기반성과 고백이 있어야 한다. 학교현장에서 벌어지는 부당한 지시에 저항하며 부조리하고 형식주의에 빠진 소소한 학교잡무에 대해 교사 스스로의 거부에서 시작해야 한다.
전교조 역시 평조합원을 집회나 투쟁의 동원 대상이 아니라 조합원 교사 자신의 자발성과 주체성, 그리고 열정과 헌신이 발휘될 수 있도록 활동공간과 운동의 장(場)을 만들어주는 데 역점을 두어야 한다. 정부 정책에 끌려 다니는 투쟁은 아무리 대의명분이 뚜렷하고 순수한 가치를 지녔어도 쉽게 지치게 마련이다. 지금 40대 초·중반 젊은 전교조 조합원들이 지회장, 분회장 몇 년 하다가 모두 지쳐 나가떨어지거나 전교조 일상 투쟁에 거리를 두는 경우를 종종 보는데 대부분 그런 이유 때문이다. 이런 현상이 장기간 지속된다면 전체 교육노동운동에 마이너스 백지혜, "전국교직원 노동조합의 조직 구성 및 운영상의 문제점과 대안 모색", 서강대 공공정책대학원 석사 논문(2006), 61쪽.
로 작용될 것은 불을 보듯 명확하지 않은가!
아직 교사 대중은 전교조에 대해 지지의 끈을 놓지 않고 있다. 조합원 교사들은 운동을 관망하고 있기도 하고 지친 듯도 하다. 하지만 일반 비조합원 대중교사들은 때론 무심하게 보이지만 때로는 현안에 대해 관심을 보인다. 전교조에 대한 지지와 호의는 여전히 높다. 한조희, "교원노조 활동에 대한 교사와 학부모의 인식 연구", 교원대 교육정책 전문대학원 석사 논문(2010), 53-54쪽. 교육발전에 대한 전교조 교사의 기여도를 교사들은 기여했다에 74%, 4%만이 전혀 기여하지 못했다고 답변했다.
 학교현장에서는 여전히 세월호 투쟁이든, 한국사 교과서 국정화 저지 투쟁이든, 공무원 연금 개악 저지 투쟁이든, 초빙교사제도 폐지 및 축소 투쟁이든 투쟁의 모든 것을 전교조 조합원 교사들이 주도하고 있다. 비조합원 대중교사의 지지를 끌어내고 투쟁을 통해 전교조 가입을 유도하기 위해서는 좀 더 피부에 와 닿는 사회경제적 현안과 일상의 근무환경을 투쟁의제로 설정해야 한다. 그럴 때 교육노동운동의 독보적이고 상징적인 대중조직으로서의 전교조의 앞날을 보다 밝게 전망해 볼 수 있다.

2) 대의민주주의의 한계를 넘어서서 직접 소통하자
다음으로 전교조 내 의사소통 구조의 개선이 필요하다. 이는 전교조 조직 내 민주주의를 관철시키는 문제이기도 하다. 오늘날 네크워크 시대가 되면서 조직 내 소통의 방식이 한층 다양해졌다. 관료화된 거대조직을 본부-분회로 슬림화하고 지부는 그 투쟁의제에 따라 한시적 기구로 위치지우고, 지회는 해체하는 게 바람직하다. 또한 전교조 조직 운영 원리인 민주집중제를 폐기하고 직접민주주의를 관철시키는 조직문화를 정착시켜야 한다. 정책이든 투쟁이든 주요결정 사항은 반드시 조합원 총투표로 결정하게 하여 대의체계의 한계를 극복해야 한다.
대의체계의 한계는 전교조 대중운동 노선에 걸림돌로 작용해 왔다. 소통의 부재와 민주적인 토론문화의 부재는 조합원 다수의 의견이 왜곡되거나 침묵으로 흐르게 만들었고 이는 전교조의 조직력 약화와 투쟁력 상실로 귀결되었다. 전교조 현장 조직력을 크게 와해시킨 결정 중의 하나가 1989년 명단공개 투쟁 전술이고 94년 복직 투쟁과정에서의 협상력 부재다. 명단공개투쟁 전술은 투쟁의 정당성을 드높이고 군부정권이 자행한 탄압의 폭력성을 정치적으로 이슈화한다는 점에서는 의의가 컸다. 그러나 투쟁 이후를 생각할 때 명단공개 투쟁 전술은 드러나지 않았던 현장 교사에게 탈퇴라는 심리적 압박을 불러와 해직교사와 현장 잔류 교사와의 괴리를 낳았다. 무엇보다 1,500명 대량해직 이후 현장 동력이 살아나지 못하게 했던 주요 요인이다.
94년 복직투쟁 과정에서 김영삼 문민정부는 마치 시혜를 베풀듯이 해직교사 문제를 해결하려 하였다. 문민정부의 출현이라는 정치적 포장을 과대하게 부풀리며 해직교사 문제에 접근했다. 94년 정치정세 속에서 전교조의 선택의 여지는 크지 않았다. 5년의 해직은 고통스러웠고 생계문제는 절실했기 때문이다. 그래도 해직교사들은 원상복직은 아니더라도 어느 정도 밀고 당기는 협상력을 기대했다. 결과는 참담했다. 아무것도 얻지 못한 채 해직교사들은 투항을 강요 이영재, "한국사회운동에서 교사운동의 의미와 역할 변화", "기억과 전망" 통권 26호(2012년 여름호), 76쪽.
당하는 굴욕감을 느꼈다. 당시 지도부는 정세 변화의 성격, 해직교사 복직에 대한 정부의 정치적 의도를 제대로 읽지 못한 채 원론적인 원상복직만을 고집하였다. 소통의 부재, 민주적 토론의 부재가 낳은 대중운동 노선의 폐기이다. 이는 복직 이후 현장 동력이 살아나지 못하는 원인으로 작용하였다.
2003년 10만 조합원 시대 정점을 찍은 이후 85,000명(2006년), 70,000명(2009년), 60,000명(2010년), 48,000명(2014년)으로 전교조 조합원 숫자는 계속해서 내리막길을 걷고 있다. 전교조가 조합원 다수의 목소리가 담긴 대중운동노선을 채택하지 않은 데 따른 결과라고 본다. 대중운동노선은 조직 내 민주주의가 관철될 때, 조합원 토론문화와 공론장이 활성화될 때 가능한 노선이다.

3) 조합원 교사를 교육(계몽)의 대상으로 보지 말고 전교조 운동노선에 대해 겸허한 성찰의 시간을 갖자!
지난 10년간 전교조 운동이 침체되고 조합원 수가 지속적으로 감소하며 조합원의 고령화와 함께 학교현장의 동력이 떨어졌다는 점은 전교조 지도부나 활동가들 사이에서 공통적으로 동의하는 부분이다. 수구세력의 ‘전교조 위기론’과는 다르지만 일부 활동가조차 ‘전교조의 위기’를 받아들이고 있다. 그러나 ‘전교조 위기론’은 정치적 입장에 따라 다양하게 이용되고 있다.
신자유주의 수구지배세력이나 자유주의 세력들은 전교조 위기의 원인을 대부분 초심을 잃고 교사이익집단으로 변질되었다는 ‘초심론’에 두고 있다. 즉 전교조가 89년 결성 당시의 초심으로 돌아가야 한다는 주장이다. 이러한 주장은 일견 그럴듯해 보인다. 그러나 단위 학교에서 현장 활동을 담당하고 그동안 전교조 투쟁을 지켜본 필자로서는 초심을 잃었다는 ‘전교조 위기론’에 동의할 수 없다. 왜냐하면 그동안 전교조 투쟁이 노선과 전술상의 오류로 인해 교사대중의 이탈을 가져왔지만 전교조 교사들, 특히 지회 단위 이상의 활동가일수록 지치지 않는 열정과 대의와 순수함이 자주 목격되기 때문이다. 전교조는 초심을 잃지 않았고 운동에 대한 성찰을 통해 초심을 더욱 단단히 다져가야 할 것이다.
그들이 말하는 ‘전교조 위기론’의 의도는 전교조나 교육노동운동에 대한 순수한 애정에서 나왔다기보다 지배집단의 헤게모니 전략에서 나온 이데올로기 전술이다. 수구언론들을 통해 끊임없이 전교조 물어뜯기와 과도한 투쟁양상을 부각시키며 국민들로부터 그리고 교사대중들로부터 전교조를 고립시키려는 계산된 의도의 공세일 뿐이다. 전교조는 지배 권력에 순치되지 않은 몇 안 되는 노동운동집단이자 대중조직이기 때문이다.
다음으로 위기의 원인을 전교조 조직 내부에서 찾는 비중보다 대부분 외부의 요인에 비중을 두고 위기를 진단하는 경우이다. 김대중-노무현 민주정부 10년 사이에 민주 대 반민주 대립전선이 크게 약화 내지 해체되는 정치지형의 변화에 주목한 해석이다. 과거 민주운동세력 내에서 지배 권력을 쥔 자유주의 세력들은 신자유주의 정책을 거침없이 수용하면서 한국사회 정치지형이 계급적 이해해 기초해 진보 대 보수로 이행, 재편되었다고 본다. 그 과정에서 진보적인 사회운동 세력인 전교조가 돌파구를 찾지 못한 채 다른 진보세력과 같이 고립의 길로 내몰리고 있다는 해석이다. 진보연구소 정세분석팀, "전교조 운동 위기인가?", 2010년.

정치지형의 변화에 대한 객관적인 이해와 분석은 맞다. 그러나 신자유주의 정책이 전면화한 시점이 김대중 정부(1998-2002)였던 사실을 생각하면 진보-보수로의 정치지형의 변화, 전선구도의 변화만으로 전교조 위기를 진단할 수는 없다. 1999년 합법화 이후 전교조는 놀라운 속도로 조직이 팽창되었고 노무현 정부 초기 2003년에는 10만 조합원 시대, 바로 교사 4명 중 1명이 가입한 거대 대중조직으로 성장하였기 때문이다. 즉 신자유주의가 전면화된 시기에 전교조는 조직 확대를 경험한 것이다. 따라서 전교조 위기의 원인을 진보-보수로의 정치지형의 변화에 따른 고립화 현상이나 90년대 이후 다양화되고 개별화된 개인주의 문화의 확산에서 찾는 것은 스스로 자기반성의 시간, 성찰을 하지 않겠다는 태도이다.
1990년대 후반 신자유주의가 전면화한 정치정세의 변화나 2000년대 소비자본주의 문화와 개인주의의 확산은 객관적인 변수일 뿐이다. 객관적 정세나 환경의 변화는 항상 있어왔던 것이고 전교조 내부의 대응에 따라 이는 얼마든지 극복할 수 있기 때문이다. 기간은 짧지만 ‘교찾사’(옛 PD계열)가 전교조 지도부였을 때는 지나치게 정치투쟁으로 치달으며 투쟁을 방치했던 과오가 컸고 대부분 지도부를 장악했던 ‘혁신과 단결’(옛 NL계열) 시기에는 해직교사 원상회복 투쟁에 나서기보다는 현실 타협적인 태도로 투쟁을 방관했던 과오가 컸다.
2000년, 2002년 김대중 국민의 정부와 2003년 노무현 참여정부 당시 해직교사 보상 문제가 정부 권력과 협의하여 상당히 진전되었음에도 불구하고 당시 네이스 반대 투쟁, 교원평가 반대 투쟁에 총력을 기울이며 반정부투쟁으로 대립각을 세운 채 세월을 보냈던 것은 ‘교찾사’, ‘혁신과 단결’ 진영 모두 큰 과오라고 생각한다. 정부와 맺은 2000년 단체협약과 2002년 단체협약외 합의 사항에서는 이미 해직교사 원상회복과 관련하여 “민주화운동 관련자로 심의·결정되도록 노력하고, 일정수준의 보상이 결정된다면 특별법 제정 등을 적극적으로 추진하고 <민주화 운동 관련자 명예회복 및 보상심의위원회>에서 명예회복 및 보상이 결정되면 필요한 후속조치를 추진한다”고 체결하였기 때문이다. http://www.eduhope.net 2003년 단체협약 외 합의사항과 “해직교사 복직 및 복직교사의 원상회복” 단체교섭 진행 결과 참고.

전교조 동력의 실질적 주체인 해직교사 원상회복 투쟁은 대중운동노선의 기본 중 기본이다. 당면 정치투쟁 의제 앞에서 실종되거나 방치된 채 우호적인 민주정부와의 시간을 흘려보내면서 기회를 스스로 발로 차버린 격이다. 이명박근혜 정권에서 해직교사 원상회복은 투쟁의제 설정 및 투쟁의 공간조차 확보하기 어렵다. 전교조 조합원 수 급감의 원인을 내부에서 찾아야 하는 이유이다. 해직교사의 투쟁조차 인정, 보호받질 못하는 노동조합에서 어떻게 현장 조합원의 권익과 요구가 관철되리라 기대할 수 있겠는가! 전교조 운동에 대한 내부 성찰이 필요하다.

4) 학교 일상의 정치투쟁을 통해 교육노동운동에 대한 전망을 새롭게 하자!
민주정부 10년, 형식적 민주주의가 착근한 지 7년이 지나가지만 학교문화는 여전히 권위주의적이고 수직적이다. 교실이 부족하지만 학교장은 교실 한 칸을 차지하고 교사에게 지시·명령하며 때론 교사를 하대하기도 한다. 역사 청산이 없었던 한국사회의 학교문화 전반은 낡은 질서로 가득하다. 교육자들 사이에 신분적(직급) 위계에 따라 수직적인 인간관계를 강요하는 봉건적 요소, 일자형 학교건물, 덕지덕지 남아있는 식민지 잔재들, 학생을 통제의 대상, 지시(명령)의 대상으로만 보는 군사문화까지 낡은 질서들로 넘쳐난다.
교육과 무관한 공문들이 넘쳐나고 거의 형식적인 공문과 보고 또한 교사의 일상을 잠식한다. 교사의 분주한 일상에 비해 교육적 영향력은 빈곤함을 면치 못한다. 관료적 통제 장치로서 학교장-교감-수석교사-부장교사-평교사(정규직)-평교사(기간제)-시간강사로 층층이 서열화 된 풍경은 학교사회에서의 수평적인 대화와 민주적인 토론을 원천적으로 불가능하게 한다. 지시와 전달, 협조 사항만 나돌고 토론 없이 끝나는 교직원회의를 보라!
거기다 입학사정관 전형 탓에 폭주하는 네이스 잡무와 교사의 자존감을 깡그리 무시하는 일상적 관행들이 횡행한다. 서술형 시험 답안지 매문항마다 O, X 표시를 요구하는 소소한 잡무부터 수능원서철에 학교장 직인과 압인이 반듯하게 찍히지 않았다고 반려당한다. 심지어 한반도 전체가 방학에 들어가 온 국민이 공식적으로 방학임을 알고 있음에도 교사들 각자에게 연수 41조 연가 결재를 올려야 한다는 요구부터 중간·기말고사 시험 기간조차 조퇴 결재를 올리라는 학교장, 그리고 단협에 근거하여 41조 연수로 결재 올리면 된다고 주장하는 전교조 조합원 교사간의 갈등은 어떤가. 자비 부담 국외 여행조차 사후에 보고서를 제출케 했던 관행들은 씁쓸하다 못해 교사 스스로 자괴감을 느끼게 한다.
세월호 이후 교육은 달라져야 한다. 교사 스스로 교육과 교육 아닌 것을 구분해야 하고 부당한 지시와 부조리한 현실에 저항해야 하며 학교사회 변화와 사회변혁을 위해 주체적인 자세로 당당하게 모순과 맞닥뜨려야 한다. 백지 답안지에 동그라미 한 번 그려서 채점하면 되고 수능원서철을 반려하려는 장학사의 권위주의적 횡포에 조직적으로 당당하게 맞서야 한다. 나아가 방학 기간이나 중간· 기말 시험 기간에 조퇴를 신청(학교장 주장)하거나 단협에 의거해 연수 41조를 신청(전교조 주장)하는 게 아니라 자율적으로 퇴근할 수 있어야 한다. 학교에 일이 있으면 밤늦게까지 머물러야 하고 일이 없고 학생들이 없으면 학교장 결재 없이, 그리고 눈치 보지 않고 교사 스스로 출퇴근을 결정할 수 있어야 한다. 어쩌면 이게 교사가 노동자가 아니라 전문직이라고 주장하는 그들 권력자들이 주장하는 최소한의 예우이자 처사이기도할 것이다.
국비로 여행가는 것도 아니고 교사 스스로 부담하고 떠나는 자유로운 여행인데도 사전 계획서, 사후 보고서를 제출케 하는 게 온당한가! 낡은 국가주의 교육행정을 고집하는 게 아니라면 있을 수 없는 부조리한 통제다. 헛웃음이 나오는 학교현실이다. 그러한 통제 기제에 익숙한 교육현실에서 교사 스스로 관행이면 관행대로, 위에서 시키면 시키는 대로 지시에 순응하는 것은 노예근성 이외엔 아무것도 아니다. 교육은 가치를 지향하는 행위이고 교사는 그 중심에 서 있다. 교사 스스로 노예근성에 갇혀 있는 한, 아이들의 영혼을 자유롭게 드높이는 건 불가능에 가깝다. 교육행정의 찌꺼기를 생각 없이 되새김질하고 낡은 교육질서에 순응하는 것이 성실한 교사의 표본인양 되어서는 안 된다.
지금 학교 현장은 교무부장을 비롯하여 상당수 보직교사들이 전교조 조합원 출신이다. 해직출신들이 50대를 넘어선 지금 학교현장에서 중심적 위치에서 활동하는 게 보편적 현상이다. 그렇다면 전교조 본부는 전교조 조합원 신분을 유지하는 전국 교무부장 회의를 소집하여 네이스 잡무 등 학교 교무행정의 고충과 일선 교사대중이 겪는 부조리한 문제점을 수렴해야 하고 정보를 공유할 수 있는 공론의 장을 제공해야 한다.
마찬가지로 학생인권조례를 포함하여 교문지도 등 학생들을 통제하는 주무 부서인 생활지도부장 전국 회의를 조직하여 정보를 공유하고 토론하여 전교조 입장을 정리해야 한다. 학생자치역량을 드높이는 창의체험활동부장 전국회의도 마찬가지이다. 바로 여기에서 전교조가 투쟁의제로 삼거나 정책화할 수 있는 대중운동노선이 나올 수 있다. 교사대중이 겪는 일상의 교육(정치)모순을 외면한 채 거대담론에 매몰되어 역사 속 계급운동이 저지른 과오를 전교조가 되풀이해서는 안 된다.
이 시대 교사는 학교현장의 낡은 질서와 모순에 저항해야 하고 미시적인 정치투쟁에 교직을 걸어야 한다. 세월호 이후 교육은 그렇게 시작해야 하고 그렇게 달라져야 한다. 그것이 세월호 이후 한국 교육의 패러다임을 개혁하는 출발점이자 진정으로 아이들의 원통한 죽음을 의미 있게 승화시키는 변곡점이 될 것이라 생각한다.
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