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작성일 : 15-06-20 11:55
박현채의 민족경제론: 민족의 미학화를 넘어
 글쓴이 : 류동민
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진보평론 64호(2015년 여름)   특집 | 한국 현대 진보지성의 궤적

박현채의 민족경제론: 민족의 미학화를 넘어

 

류동민 · 충남대 교수, 경제학

 

 

 

 

 

1. 서론

우리의 기억이 실은 끊임없이 현재의 관점에서 과거를 재구성하는 것이듯, 사상에 대한 평가 또한 현재가 흘러감에 따라 다시 이루어지기 마련이다. 어떤 사상이 오랜 세월을 두고 되풀이하여 평가되고 있다면 모름지기 무엇인가 두고두고 음미할 만한 내용을 담고 있기 때문일 것이다. 혹은 우리 편이라는 정서적 유대로 말미암아 보고 싶은 것, 읽고 싶은 구절만을 찾아내면서 집착을 버리지 못하는 것일 수도 있다. 박현채의 민족경제론은 과연 어느 쪽에 속하는가? 이러한 물음에 우회적으로나마 답하기 위해 이 글에서는 박현채의 지적정치적 개인사를 몇 가지 단계로 구분하고 그에 따른 이론과 현실 사이의 미묘한 흔들림 혹은 동요를 포착하는 방식으로 살펴보고자 한다. 박현채는 근본적인 사회변혁을 염두에 두면서도 끊임없이 현실의 개선을 통해 자신의 이상을 실현하려는 노력을 포기하지 않았던 인물이라는 점은 그의 사상을 평가함에 있어 매우 중요하다.

박현채 민족경제론의 주요 구성요소로는 민족경제와 국민경제의 괴리, 당위로서의 민족경제론, 민족적 생활양식론 등을 꼽을 수 있다(류동민, 2002). 이 글에서는 박현채의 개인사적 단계에 따라 이들 구성요소가 어떻게 변화하고 재구성되는가를 살펴보고자 한다.

 

2. 1: 국민경제연구회 활동 및 제1차 인민혁명당 사건(1964)

박현채는 한국전쟁 당시 소년 파르티잔의 체험을 간직한 채 서울대학교 상과대학에 진학하고 1961년에는 자본주의와 소농경제라는 제목의 석사학위논문을 제출한다. 그는 주석균이 설립한 농업문제연구회에서 활동하였으며, 통일민주청년동맹 및 사회당 계열의 혁신세력과 암묵적인 관계를 맺고 있었다.

1960년대 초반 서울 상대 출신의 농업경제학을 전공한 석사학위 소지자라면 상당한 수준의 지식인이자 엘리트의 정체성을 지닌 것으로 생각된다. 물론 이러한 엘리트로서의 정체성은 파르티잔 출신이라는 또 다른 정체성과 충돌할 수밖에 없는데, 그것은 박현채의 실존적 문제로부터 이론적·정치적 활동에 이르기까지 고루 영향을 미쳤을 것이다. 1차 인민혁명당 사건에 연루되어 옥살이를 한 것이 파르티잔 원체험의 연장선상에 놓인 것이라면, 국민경제연구회에서 활동한 것은 엘리트적 정체성과 관련이 있다.

국민경제연구회는 19638월에 창립되어 적어도 1970년까지 정부에 대한 비공식적 자문활동을 한 단체이다. 박현채는 1964년 인민혁명당 사건에 연루되기 전까지 국민경제연구회의 연구원으로 활동한 경력을 갖고 있다. 1964310일 현재 국민경제연구회의 연구원 명단 일곱 명 중에 박현채가 들어 있다(조석곤·정건화, 2005: 105). 이들 연구원은 대부분 석사학위를 소지한 당시로서는 높은 수준의 자격을 갖춘 이들이었다. 사실 박현채는 5·16 쿠데타가 발생한 시점에서부터 박정희 정권에 대해 비판적으로 평가하고 있었다는 증언 등을 감안하면, 국민경제연구회에서 활동한 경력을 선뜻 이해하기는 쉽지 않다. 그가 국민경제연구회 연구원으로서 얼마나 비중 있는 활동을 하였는지는 정확하게 알 수 없다. 다만 국민경제연구회의 보고서를 분석한 조석곤정건화(2005: 123)에 따르면, 1960년대 중반 무렵부터 한정된 자본을 경공업에 투자할 것인가, 중공업에 투자할 것인가가 쟁점이 되기 시작한다. 이로부터 이른바 수출입국론자와 민족경제론자 사이의 분화가 뚜렷하게 진행된다는 것이다. 그러므로 박현채가 국민경제연구회에서 활동한 것은 실존적 차원의 문제였을 뿐만 아니라 경제발전전략에 관한 현실 정책적 안목을 기르는 과정으로 이해할 수 있다.

한편 민족경제론의 주요 구성요소들은 이미 이른바 4·19공간에서 진보적 민족주의의 가장 급진적 흐름이 대체로 공유하였던 것들이다(류동민, 2002). 박현채가 연루되었던 제1차 인민혁명당 사건의 관련자들이 파편적인 형태로 남긴 견해들을 추적해보면 이를 쉽게 확인할 수 있다. 예를 들어 두 차례의 인민혁명당 사건에 모두 관련되어 결국 1974년에 처형되는 도예종이 "영남일보"에 남긴 글을 보면, 민족경제와 국민경제의 괴리라는 현실의 모순과 그 지양으로서의 통일이라는 관점이 분명하게 드러난다.

 

1생산부문(생산재생산)이 없이는 제2생산부문(소비재생산)이 존립할 수 없다는 경제학의 원리 ABC를 모르더라도 우선 산업에서 상호 밀접한 관련관계 및 []에 의존관계에 있는 남북한이 분립한다는 것은 생산체계의 분열보다도 오히려 파괴를 뜻하며 두말 할 것도 없이 하나의 국민경제를 생각할 필요조차 없다는 것을 알 수 있다. 더구나 생산체계의 관점에서 볼 때 남한 경제재건의 목표와 성격은 식민경제적 생산체계를 국민경제적 생산체계에로 재전환시키는 것인데 남북한의 분립은 이에 결정적 타격을 준다.”(도예종, 1961).

 

당시 자립경제라는 용어는 광범하게 사용되었던 반면, “민족경제자주경제혹은 통일경제라는 표현은 이들 분파 안에서만 주로 사용되었다. 예를 들어 419공간에서 짧은 기간 존속했던 진보적 신문인 "민족일보"의 대표적인 논설들에서도 민족경제라는 표현은 등장하지 않는다(류동민, 2002: 227).

당위로서의 민족경제라는 개념도 매우 난해한 것이지만, 근본적 변혁의 전제조건으로서 통일을 염두에 두는 개념으로 이해하면 적어도 1960-70년대의 상황에서는 쉽게 받아들여질 수 있는 것이었다. 박현채의 다음과 같은 서술은 이를 잘 보여주고 있다.

 

자립적 민족경제는 민족경제의 당위적인 완성을 의미한다. 그러나 이것은 통일논의로서는 두 개의 의미를 지닌다. 하나는 보다 소극적으로 민족의 통일을 위한 민족의 자결의 기초로서의 민족경제, 민족자립경제의 확립이고, 보다 적극적으로는 민족공동체를 기초로 한 재생산권의 실현 또는 통합으로서의 분단된 조국의 체제적 한계를 넘어선 상호보완관계의 확립이다”(박현채, 1986: 92).

 

한편 박현채가 1989"민족경제론의 기초이론"에서 체계적으로 제시하는 민족적 생활양식에 관한 논의는 이 시기의 여러 자료들에서 예를 들어 전후 급격히 밀려들어온 외래생활양식의 침투로 말미암아 민족적 생활양식은 점차 자취를 감추기 시작하고 .”(김봉춘, 1961)와 같은 식으로 언급되고 있다. 그런데 여기에는 당시 서구적 생활양식의 급격한 도입을 윤리적 측면에서 비판하는 사회 일반의 태도와 구별되지 않는 부분도 뒤섞여 있다. 심하게 말하면 1970년대 유신 체제 하에서 장발 및 미니스커트 단속 등의 사회적 분위기와 궤를 같이 하는 부분도 없지 않다. 1960년대 초반의 진보적 언론인 "영남일보""민족일보"는 물론 주류 언론에서도 서구적 생활양식의 유행에 대해 개탄하는 글은 쉽게 찾아볼 수 있다.

결국 이 시기 박현채의 활동은 경제학 연구자로서 주어진 상황 속에서 경제발전전략에 대한 현실적 고민을 수행하는 한편으로 진보적 민족주의 세력과 개인적으로 결합하는 과정이었기도 하다. 박현채의 다음과 같은 회고는 이러한 사실을 뒷받침한다.

 

저 같은 경우가 집단적으로 존재한다기보다는 예외적이었죠. 말하자면 1960년대 초반의 상황이라는 것은 공부하는 사람 따로, 실천 활동하는 사람 따로 존재하여 통합이 안 된 상태였읍니다”(정민, 1987: 383-4).

 

3. 2: 대중경제론(1971) 및 제2차 인민혁명당사건(1974)

1971년의 제7대 대통령선거와 제2차 인민혁명당사건(1974)은 박현채의 이론적 및 현실 정치적 입장에서 미묘한 변화를 읽어낼 수도 있는 부분이다. 대통령선거에서 박현채가 이른바 대중경제론, 정확하게는 "김대중씨의 대중경제 100100"(대중경제연구소, 1971)의 집필을 주도하였다는 것은 잘 알려진 사실이다. 대중경제론은 어떤 의미에서건 제도정치권의 유력한 정치인과 재야의 경제적 대안이 결합한 드문 사례라는 점에서 충분히 의미를 갖는다. 박현채는 이렇듯 끊임없이 현실정치와의 결합을 모색하였던 것이다. 한편 구성원들과의 매우 긴밀한 인적 관계에도 불구하고, 그리고 인민혁명당 재건의 실체 여부와 무관하게, 1974년의 사건에서는 박현채가 비껴나 있다는 것에 주목할 필요가 있다. 물론 그야말로 암중모색과도 같은 징후발견적 독해 외에는 불가능하지만, 1971년 대통령선거에서 김대중과 결합하는 문제, 그리고 유신체제에 대항하여 어떻게 싸울 것인가 등에서 견해의 차이가 작용했을 것이라 짐작할 수 있다.

먼저 1971년 대중경제론은 특권경제대중경제사이의 길항관계를 상정하면서 대안으로 대중경제의 확산을 통한 특권경제의 극복이라는 논리를 제시한다는 점에서 민족경제론의 구조를 그대로 갖고 있다. 특권경제대중경제라는 정치적으로 각색된 개념은 실제로는 민족경제론의 구성요소인 민족경제와 국민경제의 괴리에 조응하는 것이다. 다만 당위로서의 민족경제와 통일을 연결하는 발상은 나타나지 않는데, 이는 사고의 일정한 변화를 반영하는 것일 수도 있지만 정치적 고려 때문일 가능성도 크다.

흥미로운 것은 대중경제론에서는 이른바 대중사회가 명시적으로 독점자본주의 단계와 연결되고 있다는 점이다.

 

경제적 측면에서 대중사회는 산업자본주의 단계를 넘어선 독점자본주의 단계의 소산이다. 독점단계는 꽉 짜여진 자본관계에 의해 일반대중에게는 주관적으로 자산가계급에로의 상승이 절망적인 것으로 의식되고, 객관적으로는 사회적 생산의 결과에 대한 참여의 배제가 일반화된다.”(대중경제연구소, 1971: 26).

 

사실 대중경제론에는 식민지 반봉건사회론적 사고와 국가독점자본주의적 사고가 혼재되어 있다. 김일영(2006)이 대중경제론을 모택동 신민주주의론의 포퓰리즘적 변형이라고 주장한 것도 일리가 없지는 않다. “국민경제의 파행성을 극복하는 것으로서의 자립적 국민경제구조의 실현”(대중경제연구소, 1971: 56)을 목표로 하는 대중경제, 그 정치적 대응물인 한국적 대중민주주의는 새로운 중간층은 물론 중소기업 및 대기업을 망라한 민족자산가 Group, 독립소생산자, 농민근로자 및 중소상인의 연대를 통해 각 집단의 이해의 실현과정에서의 평등을 보장함으로써 소외를 극복하는 것”(같은 책: 48-9)으로 설정되고 있기 때문이다. 그러나 한편으로 특권경제의 주체인 독점자본에의 반대라는 동맹의 함의가 있는 것도 사실이다.

이 시기에 박현채는 독점자본주와 더불어 국가자본이라는 용어를 쓰고 있는데 그것이 과연 어떤 의미였는지는 명확하지 않다. 양우진(1994: 83)이 지적하듯 국가가본주의 국면(1961-1987)의 형성과정에서 나타난 자기완결적 자립경제에 대한 퇴행적 희망에 지나지 않는 것이었을 수도 있다. 민족경제론이나 대중경제론은 물론 안병직의 (나중에 중진자본주의론으로 전환하게 되는) 식민지반봉건사회론이나 심지어 박정희의 조국근대화론까지도 동일한 흐름으로 파악하는 견해에도 일리가 없는 것은 아니다. 그러나 이는 역설적으로 당시에 푸코적 의미의 에피스테메가 자립경제나 민족에 있었다는 뜻이며, 그러한 에피스테메를 공유하면서도 각자 지닌 차이에 주목해야 하는 것을 의미한다. 에피스테메를 지적하는 것은 지식사회학적으로도 의미는 있지만, 거기에만 머문다면 모든 이론이나 사상은 결국 현재의 관점에서만 평가될 뿐 당대의 이론적 차이는 무의미하다는 허무한 결론으로 이어질 것이기 때문이다.

 

4. 3: 창비논쟁(1985) 및 비판적 지지(1987)

1985"창작과 비평"에 실린 한국사회의 성격과 발전단계에 관한 연구(I)”에서 박현채는 국가독점자본주의론을 제기함으로써 한국사회성격논쟁에 불을 지폈을 뿐만 아니라, 그 이전에 자신이 쓴 글들의 입장으로부터 이탈한 것은 아닌가라는 논란의 대상이 된다. 그러나 이와 관련한 박현채 자신의 입장은 단호하다. 1987년의 한 인터뷰에서 자신이 1970년대에 쓴 글에서 국가자본주의국가독점자본주의를 가리키는 것이었다고 주장하였기 때문이다(정민, 1987: 392-3). 그렇지만 이러한 주장이 사후합리화가 아니라고 호의적으로 받아들이더라도, 실제로 1970년대에 박현채의 글에서 국가자본주의를 국가독점자본주의라고 바꿔 읽을 수 있을 만한 구절은 쉽게 발견되지 않는다.

어쨌거나 박현채는 이 시기에 쓴 글에서 5·16 쿠데타를 국가독점자본주의로의 이행의 계기로 보고 있다.

 

이 시기[1960-1972-인용자]에서 4·19에서 제시된 민족주의는 그것이 지니는 민중적 성격을 사상한 채 민족주의를 근거로 국가독점자본주의에로의 이행을 정당화시키면서도 그것을 허구화시키고 한국자본주의의 매판적인 종속성을 보다 직접적인 것으로 하게 하기 때문이다”(박현채, 1986: 37).

 

아마도 이른바 독점강화-종속심화테제가 박현채 민족경제론의 합리적 핵심이라는 주장도 이와 관련 있을 것이다. 이러한 입장은 박현채가 만년에 남긴 글에서도 다음과 같이 되풀이된다.

 

말하자면 국가독점자본주의라는 개념이 어느 현상에서 보다 유효하게 사용될 수 있다고 한다면, 그것이 종속적인 것이라 하더라도 일단 국가독점자본주의라고 단계 규정을 하고 이에 덧붙여 종속적 성격을 부가하는 것이 오늘의 논의를 전개하는 데 있어 유효하다고 생각합니다. 그래서 나는 한국의 자본주의를 국가독점자본주의라고 규정하는 것이며, 이미 1972년부터 부도난 기업들을 국가가 수용하고 분배하는 과정들을 지적하면서 한국에서 본격적인 국가독점자본주의로의 이행이 진행되고 있다고 주장한 것입니다”(박현채, 1993[2006]: 114).

 

그런데 예의 1987년 인터뷰에서 박현채는 1950년대 말의 상황에 관해서는 다음과 같이 회고한다.

 

일단 당시에는 한국 자본주의에 있어서 국가자본의 영역이 귀속재산 등의 형태로 광범위하게 존재한다고 보았지요. 아직 국가독점자본주의 문제로까지는 나아가지 않았읍니다. 한국 자본주의 분석에서 핵심이 되었던 것의 하나는 자본운동이 범세계적일 때 과연 개별 국민경제, 개별 국가의 자본주의가 독자적으로 존재하느냐의 여부였습니다. 이에 대해서는 그 당시에도 내부적 모순이 주가 되어야 한다는 입장으로부터 출발하여 개별 국민경제는 존재할 수 있다고 하는 결론에 이르렀고, 이 개별 국민경제의 존재를 인정하면서도 자본주의의 범세계성을 논증할 수 있었읍니다”(정민, 1987: 383).

 

결국 5·16 쿠데타 이후 유신체제가 성립하는 기간 사이에 한국자본주의가 국가독점단계에 이르렀다고 인식하게 되었다는 뜻이다. 그런데, 1971년의 대중경제론 집필 단계에서는 국가독점자본주의가 성립한 것으로 보았다면 이 역시 근본적 인식과 실제 현실 참여 사이에 모종의 동요가 있을 수밖에 없었음을 의미한다. 또한 1987"민주화" 이후 치러진 대통령선거에서 김대중 지지입장을 확실하게 유지한 것 또한 1971년 대중경제론의 연장선상에 있다. 더구나 이때 김대중은 다시 대중경제론을 들고 나오는데(김대중, 1986[1997]), 그것은 이미 미국에 있을 때 주류경제학을 공부한 유종근에 의해 새로 쓰인 것으로서 1971년의 대중경제론과는 자립적 민족경제에 대한 강조가 거의 보이지 않는 등 질적으로 구별되는 것이었다(류동민, 2010: 159-60).

 

5. 4: 조선대 교수 부임 및 "민족경제론의 기초이론"(1989)

박현채는 1987년 이른바 민주화 이후 처음으로 제도권에 발을 딛게 된다. 1989년 조선대학교 교수로 임용된 것이다. 조선대에서 민족경제론을 강의하는 교재의 성격으로 1989년에 출간된 책이 "민족경제론의 기초이론"이다. 그런데 이 책에서 민족경제론은 단지 현상분석이나 단계론의 수준을 넘어 일종의 원리론에 가까운 듯한 구성을 취하게 된다. 민족경제론의 일반화를 시도한 셈이다. 이는 특히 당시 사회과학계의 전반적인 급진화 경향과 맞물려 많은 비판을 받게 된다. 특히 민족적 생활양식 개념은 그 비판의 중심에 놓여 있었다(양우진, 1994: 88). 사실 다음과 같은 서술을 보면, 비록 부차적이라는 한정을 하고 있기는 하지만, 민족이라는 감성적인 것에서 출발하여 역사발전이라는 이성적인 것을 이끌어낸다는 점에서, 가라타니(2009)의 개념을 원용하자면 민족의 미학화(혹은 감성화)”의 전형이라고 할 수 있다.

 

결론적으로 민족적 생활양식이란 민족적 삶이 영위되고 있는 지역의 풍토, 기후 그리고 자원의 부존상태에 의해 기초지어지면서 그것 위에 이루어지는 인종공동체 안에서의 누대에 걸친 인간관계에 의해 만들어진 것의 계승으로 되고 오늘의 상황에 의해 규정되는 것으로서의 생활이다. 이와 같은 의미에서의 민족적 생활양식은 역사발전의 부차적 동인 그 자체로 된다.”(박현채, 1989[2006]: 578).

 

그러나 이 문제에 관해서도 박현채 자신의 서술은 분명하다. 민족경제론은 정치경제학적 입장을 피억압 종속 상태의 민족적 상황에 적용한 것”(박현채, 1989: 서문)이라고 단언하기 때문이다. 더구나 민족경제론을 하나의 완성을 지향하는 체계로 정리한 것에 관해서도 자신의 의도와는 무관하게 민족경제론이라는 강좌가 민주화와 함께 대학에 개설되기 시작하면서, 민족경제론이 비록 미완성의 것이라도 하나의 체계로 묶을 것을 요구받게 되기에 이르렀기 때문이라 주장하였다(박현채, 1992[2006]: 151).

다시금 박현채의 시대가 그 어떤 기의도 민족이라는 기표를 거치지 않고서는 발화할 수 없던 때였다는 점을 감안할 때, 그리고 민족경제론의 합리적 핵심을 계승한다는 관점에서, 민족적 생활양식은 자본운동의 범세계성이라는 생산력 측면에 대응되는 생산관계의 물질적 기초라는 대구의 의미로 이해되어야 할 것이다(류동민, 2002: 237). 박현채의 대필로 알려진 바 있는 "후진국경제론"의 다음과 같은 구절은 그 하나의 근거가 될 수 있을 것이다.

 

왜냐하면 식민지 종속하 식민지 피억압민족의 민족경제는 그 주된 경제제도적 근거가 전근대적인 것이며 식민지 피억압민족의 민족의식은 전통적 생활양식의 파괴과정에서 침략자에 대한 저항 속에서 그 형성계기를 갖기 때문이다. 민족경제의 근대적 개념으로서의 이해는 근대적인 자본운동과의 관련이라는 의미에서 한정적으로 이해될 것이다”(조용범, 1973: 286).

민족적 생활양식은 단지 민족이 상상된 공동체에 지나지 않는다는 식의 관점으로 일거에 비판할 수 있는 개념은 아니다. 박현채는 민중의 일상적 비일상적 체험이나 원망의 집적”(박현채, 1978: 10)민족의식계급의식민중의식”(같은 책: 20)으로 발전하면서 민중은 능동적 주체로 등장한다고 주장하였다. 이때 민중의 일상적 비일상적 체험은 계급적인 것의 민족적 프리즘을 통한 발현”(박현채, 1989: 47)으로 나타나는 것이며, 민족적 생활양식은 바로 이를 가리키는 개념이다. 예를 들어 21세기 현재의 시점에서 한국경제의 문제를 파악하고자 한다면, 비정규직 노동과 자영업자 및 이주노동자를 포괄한 경제적 약자가 불평등의 재생산구조 속에서 정서적이고 직관적으로 느끼는 모순 개념을 포착할 수 있을 것이다. 즉 유기체적 민족 개념을 걷어내고 민족적 생활양식을 생활상의 모순이 인지되고 공동체적 요구가 제기되고 해결되어야 할 장소라는 개념으로 이해(류동민, 2007b: 19)할 수 있을 것이다.

 

6. 민족의 미학화, 그리고 민주주의

가라타니(2009)는 우리가 느끼는 것”, 즉 감성이 우리가 생각하는 것을 지배하게 되는 현상을 감성화 혹은 미학화라고 불렀다. 그는 자본-네이션-스테이트가 하나로 결합된 강고한 체계임을 강조한다. 민족은 상상의 공동체이지만 그 자체 현실에 뿌리를 두고 있는 것이므로 단지 상상을 제거하는 것만으로 극복될 수는 없다. 국가=자본이 끊임없이 확대하는 불평등과 배제를 네이션이라는 계기를 통해 지속적으로 미학화할 것이 요구되는 까닭이기도 하다. 가라타니가 민족의 미학화로 불평등을 은폐하는 역할(단점?)을 강조했다면, 그것은 한국현대사에서는 차라리 박정희 축적체제를 가리키는 것이라 할 수 있다. 즉 박정희의 민족주의는 이른바 영도적 국가민족주의”(강정인, 2014: 7)라는 점에서 국가가 민족과 자본을 끌고 들어오는 구조, 가라타니 식으로 표현하자면 국가의 미학화를 시도한 것이라 할 수 있다. 실제로 민족경제론의 한 요소라고도 볼 수 있는 내포적 공업화 주장으로 유명한 박희범(1968)국론통일이나 개성 있는 민주주의등을 강조하는 파시즘적 경향, 즉 국가의 미학화로 볼 수 있는 요소들을 담고 있다. 때로는 박현채와 같은 뿌리인 것으로 함께 분류되기도 하는(양우진, 1994; 김보현, 2006) 안병직의 중진자본주의론은 가라타니의 틀을 빌려 표현하자면, 국가=자본의 미학화에서 자본에 방점을 찍은 것이라고 할 수 있다. 그러나 성장해야 살아남는다혹은 살아남은 자(성장한 자)는 강하다라는 인식은 국가에 방점을 찍은 국가=자본의 미학화와 공유하는 셈이다.

반면 박현채에게 있어 민족은 회복해야할 공동체를 지칭하는 것이었다. 그는 사회유기체론은 근대적 소산인 민족을 선험적으로 독자적 의의를 갖는 구성체로 설정하는 데서 정당한 것은 아님”(박현채, 1978: 167)을 분명히 하기도 했던 것이다. 박정희가 민족을 국가로, 국가를 자신으로 환원시키는 구조였다면, 민족경제론에서 그 상사성은 민족을 신성한 어떤 것으로 가져가는 것일 터이며, "민족경제의 기초이론"에서 일반이론화의 시도는 그러한 조짐을 보인다는 것을 부인하기 어렵다. 그러나 현실의 구체적 모순관계를 현실의 구체적 분석에 기초한다는 입장에서 볼 때, 민족은 그러한 현실 모순이 드러나는 프리즘의 역할을 하고 있을 뿐이라는 점, 글로벌라이제이션 이후 시대에서 그러한 프리즘은 변화할 수 있다는 것을 강조할 필요가 있다.

박현채와 안병직의 분기는 재벌로 대표되는 독점자본 중심의 성장이 주변부적 특성 혹은 식민지 반봉건성을 벗어버리는 데에 성공하였다는 사실로부터 온다. 이미 3저 호황 시기에 중진자본주의론이 도입(안병직, 1989)된 것이 그것을 상징한다. 박현채도 이미 1985년에 국가독점자본주의론을 제기한 데서 알 수 있듯이 반봉건성에 대한 인식은 적어도 1960년대의 시점에 비해서는 옅어진 것이라 평가할 수 있다. 비록 사후적 합리화의 가능성을 남겨 두더라도 5·16쿠데타에서 출발하여 1970년 초반에 국가독점자본주의로 이행하였다는 주장을 고려한다면, 이를테면 민족해방인민민주주의혁명(NLPDR)이라도 1960년대 중반 시점에 비해서는 강조점이 이동한 것으로 짐작해볼 수 있다. 윤소영(2006)은 이 부분을 독점 강화-종속 심화 테제로 해석하여 불러낸 셈이다.

마지막으로 지적할 것은 박현채가 이미 초창기의 글에서부터 민주주의의 문제를 매우 강조하였다는 사실이다. 물론 독재정권에 대한 대항담론이라는 점에서 그럴 수밖에 없었고 더구나 모종의 국가사회주의를 염두에 두고 있었던 것이라면, 과연 민주주의의 의미가 무엇인가가 문제가 되기는 한다. 그러나 소련 사회주의의 실패 원인으로 민주주의적 가치의 결여를 지적하는 부분(박현채, 1991[2006])은 물론 1969년에 쓴 계층조화의 조건에 나타나는 다음과 같은 서술은 정치적 민주주의의 문제가 단순히 립서비스는 아니었음을 분명하게 보여준다.

 

경제에 대한 국가계획과 국영기업을 수단으로 한 국가의 적극적 경제개입은 민족자본과의 연합에 의해 국내의 매판적 제 노력이 대항하는 유효한 수단으로 될 것이며 전국민의 희생과 창의를 동원하는 것으로 될 것이다. 우리는 국가의 국가자본에 의한 경제개입과 계층간 분배의 조절만이 아니라 국가의 중립성 보장과 사회적 생산에의 참여만큼 사회계층간의 합리적인 경제잉여의 배분을 보장하기 위해 정치적 민주주의의 실현이 전제되어야 한다고 생각하는 것이다”(박현채, 1969[2006]: 764-5).

 

민주주의 문제를 어떻게 이해할지는 민족경제론의 평가라는 사상사적 관심을 넘어서는 중요한 문제이다. 박현채와 개인적으로 밀접한 관계에 있었으나 정치적·사상적으로 엇갈리게 되는 김대중이 민주주의와 시장경제의 병행발전이라는 테제로 나아갔고, 안병직은 시장경제와 민주주의는 별도의 독립적인 개념이라 주장하면서 사실상 급진적 민주주의 개념의 포기로 귀결되는 전개를 보였다는 점도 참조할 만하다.

결국 박현채 연구패러다임의 중핵(hard core)은 민족모순과 계급모순, 그리고 정치적 민주주의를 별개의 문제로서가 아니라 서로 맞물려 있는 통합된 문제로 인식하려는 데에 있었다고 볼 때, 비로소 민족경제론의 현대적 의미부여도 가능해질 것이다. 국가독점자본주의론이나 혈연적 민족 개념에 기반한 민족적 생활양식 개념은 말하자면 변화한 현실에 맞게 유연하게 조정되어야할 보호대(protective belt)로 간주되어야 한다. 물론 박현채가 이러한 해석을 지지했을지는 알 수 없거니와, 이 글에서처럼 민족적 생활양식을 해석하더라도 감정적·정서적 차원의 문제를 이성적인 것으로 치환한다는 미학화 혹은 감성화의 문제는 여전히 남는다. 민족모순과 계급모순이 복합적인 것으로서 현상할 때, 민주주의 개념은 어떻게 규정될 것이며, 현실에서 어떤 방식으로 실현할 수 있을 것인가? 민족의 미학화 혹은 그 어떤 감성적인 것의 이성적인 것으로의 등치를 넘어서기 위해서 뿐만 아니라 그 자체로서도 여전히 유효한 질문이다.

 

< 참고문헌 >

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류동민(2007b), “진보적 경제대안에 나타난 민생의 문제”, "기억과 전망" 16.

류동민(2010), “김대중의 경제사상에 관한 검토: 경제적 민주주의 개념을 중심으로”, "기억과 전망" 23.

류동민(2013), “대중경제론과 박정희 축적체제 비판”, 류상영·김동노 편저, "김대중과 대중경제론", 연세대학교 김대중도서관.

박순성김균(2001), “정치경제학자 박현채와 민족경제론-한국경제학사의 관점에서”, "동향과 전망" 48.

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박현채(1991), “마르크스주의 사회과학, 과연 위기인가?”, "민족지평", 민족지평사, 고 박현채 10주기 추모집·전집발간위원회 엮음, 2006.

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정민(1987), “대담: 민족경제론-민족민주운동의 기초를 해명한다”, "현단계" 1, 한울.

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조석곤정건화(2005), “1960년대 중후반 국민경제연구회보고서를 통해 본 정책담론 분화과정,” 공제욱조석곤 공편, "1950-1960년대 한국형 발전모델의 원형과 그 변용과정", 한울.

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