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작성일 : 15-06-20 11:57
탈냉전의 선지자, 문익환 통일사상의 현재성
 글쓴이 : 이승환
조회 : 168,238  

특집 | 한국 현대 진보지성의 궤적

탈냉전의 선지자, 문익환 통일사상의 현재성

 

이승환 · 시민평화포럼 공동대표

 

 

 

 

 

늦봄 문익환

1994년 늦봄 문익환이 서거한 이후 많은 세월이 흘렀다. 그 적지 않은 세월이 지났음에도 아직도 많은 사람들이 그를 강렬히 기억하는 것은, 살면서 그가 민주화운동과 통일운동의 온갖 구석구석마다 남긴 발자취들 때문일 것이다. 그러나 문익환의 공생활은 그가 역사의 간난신고 속에 발을 내디딘 19763·1구국선언에서부터 1994118, 법적으로는 여전히 가석방인 상태로 마석공원에 묻힐 때까지 18년이 채 되지 않는다. 그나마 그 18년의 세월 동안 그는 여섯 차례, 햇수로 12년을 감옥에서 생활해야 했다. 그는 결국 약 8, 달수로는 102개월, 날수로는 3,102일만을 감옥이 아닌 바깥세상에서 활동했던 것이고, 겨우 100여 달의 길지 않은 시간 동안 사람들 마음속에 잊을 수 없는 기억을 새겨놓았던 것이다.

여섯 차례에 걸친 투옥과 민주통일민중운동연합 의장(1985), 전국민족민주운동연합 상임고문(1989), 조국통일범민족연합 남측본부() 위원장(1991), 미국 친우봉사회에 의한 노벨평화상 후보 추천(1992), ‘통일맞이칠천만겨레모임운동 제창(1993) 등 셀 수 없이 많은 민주·통일운동 이력도 이력이지만, 사람들 마음속의 문익환을 더욱 그리워하게 만드는 것은 그 누구도 넘볼 수 없었던 그의 사람됨의 향기였다. 해맑은 순수함과 한결같은 열정, 그리고 결코 좌절하지 않는 치열함을 함께 갖춘 그의 풍모는 그를 접한 모든 사람들에게 깊은 인상을 남겼다. 그는 살아있는 동안 언제나 노동자, 농민, 철거민, 학생 등 민중의 삶 속에 들어가 그들과 함께 싸우고 함께 눈물을 흘렸다. 그는 권력과 돈을 가진 그 누구보다 강자였고, 그래서 사랑은 남아도는 젖처럼 넘치는 생명을 가진 강자에게만 있는 것입니다라고 포효할 수 있었다. 그는 그가 가진 생명과 사랑 그 자체만을 사용해서 우리가 끝없이 돌진하고자 하는 부와 명예, 기타 성취의 영광을 모두 합해서도 얻을 수 없는 것을 얻어버린 우리 시대 최고의 강자였다.

 

기독교 반공지식인에서 민주통일운동가로

공생활에 들어서기 이전의 문익환은 전형적인 반공 기독교지식인이었다. 그런 그가 김일성과 포옹한이남의 대표적 통일운동가로서 삶을 마치리라고는 아마 그 누구도 상상할 수 없었을 것이다.

그는 1918년 북간도 명동에서 문재린과 김신묵의 장남으로 태어나 모태신앙으로서의 기독교와 함께 북간도의 저항적 민족주의의 영향을 동시에 받으며 성장하였고, 성장과정에서 겪은 공산주의로부터의 박해 경험은 그의 청년기 반공주의의 토대가 되었다. 이런 배경 속에서 문익환은 해방정국에서 기독교 반공지하조직인 임마누엘단에 참가하였고, 한국전쟁 개시 후에는 유엔군에 자원입대하여 정전협정이 진행되는 기간 동안 유엔군 통역사 역할 등을 수행하였다.

문익환을 한국 민주화운동의 회오리 속에 발을 내딛게 하고 기꺼이 고난의 길을 걷게 한 것은 아이러니하게도 그를 반공주의로 이끌었던 바로 그 기독교사상이었다. 문익환은 1955년 유학을 마치고 귀국한 후 신학연구와 함께 신구약 공동번역작업에 힘을 쏟았는데, 이 과정에서 그는 전후 한국 기독교의 혼란과 분열에 매우 비판적 입장을 가지게 되었고 구약의 예언자사상을 깊이 수용하게 되었다. 문익환은 예언자들이 역사의 해석가가 아니라 역사를 지어가는 이들(makers of history)’이라고 생각했고, 그 스스로 예언자적 통찰력과 용기를 이어받으려 하였다.

당시 문익환은 이렇게 설교하고 있다. “민족의 문제를 하느님을 통해서 바라보는 예언자적 통찰력이 있어야 하고, 이것이 하느님의 뜻이라고 깨달았으면 주저 없이 외칠 수 있는 예언자적인 용기를 우리는 받아야 하겠습니다.”

예언자사상은 이후 문익환으로 하여금 그 어떤 두려움도 없이 역사와 맞부딪쳐갈 수 있게 해준 생명수가 되었다. 1989년 평양을 방문하여 봉수교회에서 부활절 예배를 볼 때 그는 이렇게 설교하였다. “민족통일은 우리 그리스도인에게 있어서 정치적인 일만이 아닙니다. 우리 그리스도인이 하는 통일운동은 부활신앙을 역사 속에서 사는 일입니다.”

한국교회 현실에 대한 비판적 인식과 예언자사상이라는 진보적 기독교관이 문익환을 민주화운동으로 이끈 사상적 토대가 되었다면, 그를 역사적 실천의 장으로 뛰어들게 만든 직접적 계기는 바로 장준하의 의문의 죽음이었다.

“1975817일 장준하의 목소리는 깊은 산골짜기에서 영원히 다시 들을 수 없이 잠들고 맙니다. 저는 그의 시신을 땅속에 내리면서 제가 백범·장준하의 목소리가 되기로 결심하게 됩니다. 그리하여 내게 된 그의 첫 목소리가 197631일 이우정 선생의 떨리는 목소리로 낭독된 "3·1민주구국선언"이었습니다.”

그는 장준하를 유신체제 하의 백범 김구로 생각하였고, 통일운동의 자유를 외치는 장준하의 목소리가 곧 의 목소리라고 생각하였다. 그래서 김구 선생이 가셨던 길, 뜻을 이루지 못하고 분루를 삼키면서 되돌아오셨던 길, 그 길을 누군가 가야 하는데”, 그 길을 가야할 장준하가 독재권력의 박해로 죽게 되자 그 자신이 결국 장준하의 뒤를 잇기로 결심하였던 것이다.

처음에는 민족주의자이자 반공주의자였지만, 생의 후반에 들어서 통일운동가로 변화했다는 점에서 장준하와 문익환은 매우 닮은꼴이었다. 문익환은 그 닮은꼴 장준하로부터 통일은 처음부터 끝까지 민중의 일이다라는 민중통일론을 이어받았다. 통일운동이란 민주 통일과 인권운동을 중심으로 하는 민주화 운동의 일환이라는 장준하의 주장은 문익환에 와서는 민주가 통일이요, 통일이 민주다라는 민주·통일 일원론으로 나타났다. “시간적으로는 분명히 선민주이지만 내용적으로, 또한 실질적으로 둘은 하나다라는 게 문익환의 입장이었다. 그리고 무엇보다도 장준하와 문익환은 위대한 희생을 거름으로 민족통일은 이루어지고 통일조국이 새롭게 자란다는 통일을 향한 순교자적 희생정신을 공유하고 있었다.

 

() 주도통일사상과 늦봄의 방북

이 땅에서 오늘 역사를 산다는 건 말이야/ 온몸으로 분단을 거부하는 일이라고/ 휴전선은 없다고 소리치는 일이라고/ 서울역이나 부산, 광주역에 가서/평양 가는 기차표를 내놓으라고 주장하는 일이라고(문익환, ‘잠꼬대 아닌 잠꼬대’, 1989).

 

이 시는 늦봄 문익환이 1989년 새해 첫 새벽에 쓴 것이었다. “난 올해 안으로 평양으로 갈 거야/ 기어이 가고 말거야 이건/ 잠꼬대가 아니라고썼던 시구 그대로 그는 1989325일 정경모, 유원호와 함께 분단의 장벽을 넘어 평양을 방문하였다.

늦봄의 평양 방문은 늦봄 개인사로서도 매우 중요한 의미를 지니지만, 한국 통일운동사에서도 한 시대를 마감하고 새로운 시대를 여는 역사적 사건이었다. 그의 방북은 사회주의 세계체제의 해체와 탈냉전이라는 세계사적 변환기와 한반도와 동아시아의 질서 재편이 교차되는 절묘한 시점에서 이루어진 것이었고, 그의 방북 이후 한국의 통일운동은 사실상 냉전 하의 통일운동시대를 마감하고 비로소 탈냉전을 자신의 과제로 맞이하게 되었다.

늦봄이 방북하자, 당시 정권과 대부분의 언론은 그를 색깔이 의심스러운 위험한 인물이라거나, 혹은 소영웅주의적, 감상적 통일주의자등의 이미지를 부각시키는데 주력했다. ‘통일창구 깬 무분별한 행동’ ‘독단적 경거망동, 명성 일거에 먹칠등이 당시 신문 1면의 타이틀들이었다. 노태우 정부는 문익환의 방북을 우리 정부의 협상력을 파탄시키고 북한의 대남통전 논리에 놀아난 것이라면서 실정법 위반을 명분으로 그를 구속하고 새로운 공안정국을 일으켜 대중운동과 통일운동을 탄압하는 빌미로 삼았다. 그로 인해 심지어는 운동 진영 일부에서조차 조급한 통일편향주의’ ‘대중운동을 무시한 행세주의라는 비판이 있기도 하였다.

당시 언론과 정권이 만들어낸 문익환에 대한 이미지는 여전히 살아 있어서 지금까지도 많은 사람들의 인식을 지배하고 있는 것이 사실이다그래서 늦봄의 방북을 이해하기 위해서 먼저 그의 통일관을 살펴볼 필요가 있다. 그의 통일관은 그가 왜 방북했는지를 이해하는 기본배경이 된다.

문익환의 통일관은 ‘3·1민주구국선언으로 역사의 한복판에 뛰어든 이후 몇 차례 변화를 보이는데, 당시의 다른 모든 사람들이 그랬듯이 그 역시 80년 광주민중항쟁과 876월항쟁을 거치면서 통일관에서 큰 변화를 나타내게 된다.

3·1구국선언에 언급된 문익환의 통일관은 매우 소박한 것이었다. 그것은 통일은 민족적 과업이라는 당위론에 민족통일에서 남북 정치가의 역할 중시라든가 통일은 승공을 전제로 한 민주역량 강화로라는 논리가 첨부된 단순한 것이었다. 그런데 이러한 그의 소박한 통일관은 80년대 격동의 한국현대사 한복판을 관통해가면서 전면적으로 변화하게 된다.

89년 방북 당시 그의 통일관은 민주화와 통일은 하나다’, ‘통일은 민족해방의 완성이고 민족자주의 성취이다’, ‘통일의 주인은 민()이다라는 세 마디로 요약된다. 문익환의 이 세 명제는 각각 별개의 것이라기보다 서로 연결된 하나의 논리였고, 이는 반공의 그림자가 짙게 드리운 그의 초기 통일당위론과 비교하면 거의 환골탈태에 가까운 것이다.

그는 통일은 민족사의 정통성 회복운동이고 그것은 곧 민족해방운동의 완성이고, 민족자주의 성취라고 보고, 그런 의미를 그는 통일은 민족의 부활이라고 표현하였다. 그리고 민족의 부활은 민중의 자각과 해방을 향한 노력, 민중의 부활없이 불가능하다고 보았다. “통일은 부활한 한겨레입니다. 그러나 민중의 부활이 없는 겨레의 부활은 없습니다. 민주 없이는 통일이 없다는 말입니다. 민주가 민중의 부활이기 때문입니다.” 이어서 그는 통일이 우리가 실현해야 할 구체적인 민주과업이라면, 그것을 이루어 가는 절차도 민주적이어야 합니다. 이것은 통일도 다른 모든 일과 같이 민 주도로 이루어져야 한다는 말입니다라고 말하고 있다.

즉 그의 결론은 통일은 곧 민주이고 민주는 민 주도이므로 통일 역시 민 주도라는 것이었다. 그는 민 주도의 의미를 이렇게 설명한다. “이것은 결코 관을 밀어내자는 말이 아닙니다. 관은 어디까지나 민의 뜻을 받아 민과 함께 민을 앞세우고 민에 밀리면서 통일의 문을 향해서 걸어 나가야 한다는 말입니다. 민을 배제하고 관이 독점한 관 주도 하의 통일운동이 불통일운동이었다는 것을 지난 45년 민족사가 증명하고 있는 것이 아니겠습니까?” 이렇듯 그의 민 주도사상은 관 주도와 대비되는 것임에도 불구하고, ‘협치(協治)’의 의미를 넘어서는 과도한 해석에 대한 경계를 동시에 포함하고 있다.

이러한 문익환의 통일관에 비추어볼 때, 그의 방북은 소영웅주의행세주의가 아니라 통일논의의 정치사회 독점을 무너뜨리기 위한 실천적 결단이었고, ‘민의 통일운동의 자유를 쟁취하기 위한 몸을 내던진투쟁의 일환이었다. 즉 그의 방북은 통일논의가 정치사회의 전유물일 수 없다는 민의 독립선언이었던 것이다.

이러한 문익환의 민 주도 통일사상이 방북이라는 구체적 결단으로 이어진 계기는 분신정국으로까지 불렸던 당시 수많은 젊은이들의 분신, 투신이었다. 그는 분단, 반공의 깜깜한 절벽 앞에서 몸을 내던지는 젊은이들을 보며, 이 죽음의 행렬을 멈추기 위해 자신이 목숨을 내걸고 방북해야 한다고 생각했다.

그는 또한 자신이 의 대표(정확히는 전민련의 대표)이기 때문에 지난 40년간 허송세월만 한 당국자들 간의 대화보다 훨씬 더 많은 성과를 낼 수 있다고 생각했다. “두 당국자들이 만나면 쌍방이 각자의 권익을 유지하고 수호해야 한다는 입장 때문에 줄다리기를 하지 않을 수 없습니다. 남과 북의 집권층은 이 줄다리기를 하다가 40년 세월을 흘려보낸 것이 아닙니까? 적어도 저는 그런 줄다리기를 할 필요가 없었습니다. 김주석도 저와는 줄다리기를 할 필요가 없었던 것 아닙니까?” 그래서 자신이 앞장서서 남북관계의 새로운 돌파구를 열게 되면 젊은이들이 죽지 않고 살아서민주와 통일을 쟁취해나갈 것이라고 믿었다. 그리고 역사는 그의 믿음대로 전개되었다.

내가 방북하고 수경이가 방북하면서 분단의 벽이 무너지기 시작하니까 젊은이들이 죽을 필요가 없어진 거예요. 만약 갔다 오지 않았으면 1년 반 동안 얼마나 많은 학생이 죽었을지 모르는 일이예요. 그런 의미에서 조금 더 기다리다 갔다 왔어야지라는 지적은 전혀 당치 않은 논리입니다.”

또한 늦봄은 통일은 하나가 되어 더욱 커지는 것이고, 커지기 위해서는 사소한 생각의 차이, 제도의 차이, 편견과 고정관념에서 벗어나야 한다고 생각했고, 이를 위해 남쪽에서 투쟁했듯이 북쪽에 가서도 이 점을 분명히 확인해야 한다고 생각하였다.

평양에 도착했을 때 늦봄은 이렇게 말했다. “나는 이번에 말로 하는 대화가 아니라 가슴과 눈으로 하는 대화를 하러 왔습니다. 어느 한편을 이롭게 하고 한편을 불리하게 하러온 것이 아닙니다. 모두에게 이로운 말이 무엇이겠느냐는 걸 찾아왔습니다. 한편이 이기고 한편이 지는 일이 아니라 우리 모두가 승리자가 되는 길을 찾아왔습니다.”

그는 이 말의 의미를 남쪽의 정부와 국민의 마음을 전달해서 남쪽에 대한 북쪽의 신뢰를 이끌어내고, 북쪽의 진의를 알아 남쪽에 전달함으로써 북에 대한 남쪽의 신뢰를 회복시키려는 것이라고 설명하였다. 이런 방북의 취지를 살리기 위해 그는 방북 기간 내내 남북이 소아와 고집을 버리고 대승적인 입장에서 단합할 것을 특히 강조하였다. 문익환 스스로 말하듯이 북에 가서 이 말을 하는 것은 결국 북쪽이 양보하라는 것이었다.

 

문익환, 김일성을 설득하다

늦봄은 평양에서 두 번에 걸쳐 8시간 동안 김일성 주석과 대화를 나눴다. 주제는 크게 다섯 가지로 한시적·과도적 교차승인 수용 연방제의 점진적·단계적 추진 정치·군사회담과 경제·문화교류 병행추진 팀스피리트훈련 등의 정세와 상관없이 남북대화 지속 통일 장애요인으로서의 주체사상에 대한 문제제기 등이었다. 이것들 하나하나가 전부 심각한 의미를 내포하고 있었고 늦봄이 생각하기에 대부분 북이 양보하고 이해해야 하는 문제들이었다.

통일을 지향하는 과도적 교차승인문제는 늦봄이 김일성에게 던지려던 최우선 순위의 질문이었다. 그는 교차승인이 영구분단으로 이어지지 않을 수 있다면서, “그 보증은 민중에게 있다. 우리 민중은 역대 정권의 계속되는 탄압을 뿌리치면서 이 역사를 통일의 문 앞에까지 끌고 왔다. 교차승인은 휴전협정(평화협정을 의미-인용자) 체결과 불가침선언을 전제하는 것인데, 그것은 군비축소와 긴장완화에 결정적인 기여를 할 것이다라며 김일성을 설득하였다. 김일성의 대답은 교차승인이나 교차접촉은 기본적으로 두 개의 조선을 만들려는 분열주의책동이기 때문에 절대로 허용하지 말아야 한다는 확고한 거부였다.

문익환의 열정적인 설득은 당시로서는 아무 성과 없는 것처럼 보였다. 그러나 얼마 지나지 않아 북한은 문익환이 강조한 그 과도적 교차승인의 방향으로 사실상 노선을 전환하게 된다. 김일성은 1991년 신년사를 통해 우리는 유엔에 들어가는 문제도 연방제통일이 실현된 다음 단일한 국호를 가지고 가입하는 것이 가장 좋다고 인정하지만 하나의 의석으로 가입하는 조건에서라면 그전에라도 북과 남이 유엔에 들어가는 것을 반대하지 않을 것입니다라며 사실상 유엔 남북동시가입을 처음으로 인정하는 입장을 밝혔다.

이러한 입장 변화를 반영하여 같은 해 9월 북한은 유엔 남북동시가입을 결행하였다. 유엔 동시가입은 북한 스스로 남한정부의 실체를 인정하고 법적 분단의 공식화를 수용한 것이었다. 또한 이것은 하나의 조선이 아니라 남북의 공존과 국제무대에서의 교차승인추진이라는 방향으로 북한의 정책이 변화하고 있음을 의미하는 것이었다. 결국 늦봄이 뿌린 씨앗은 단지 싹을 늦게 틔웠을 뿐이었다.

늦봄이 김일성과의 협의에서 가장 가시적 성과를 얻은 것은 단계적 연방제 추진 문제와 경제·문화교류 병행 추진 문제였다.

늦봄은 김일성에게 남과 북 사이에는 불신과 적대감이 깊을 대로 깊어졌기 때문에 연방제 통일도 단계적으로 추진하는 것이 불가피하다는 점과 당분간 남과 북의 자치정부가 군사와 외교까지 독립적으로 운영하는 단계를 두고 여건이 성숙한 후 연방정부의 주도 아래 외교와 군사를 점진적으로 통합해나가야 한다고 주장하였다. 그리고 북이 주장하는 외교·군사권을 통합한 연방제 통일방안으로는 분단 50년을 넘기지 않는 통일이 불가능하며, ‘부지하세월이 될 것이라고 강조하였다. 이 말에 김일성은 완전히 설득되었고, “좋습니다. (연방제는)한꺼번에 할 수도 있고 협상을 통해서 단계적으로 할 수 있습니다라고 합의하였다.

늦봄은 이 합의를 북쪽이 남한 정부의 체제연합안이나 김대중의 공화국연방제 안에 동의한 것이라고 판단하였고, 그래서 자신이 한 일이 북한 통일정책을 전환시킨 것이며 궁극적으로는 남쪽의 통일방안에 북쪽의 동의를 얻어낸 일이라고 의미 부여하였다. 이것은 틀림없는 사실이었다. 그리고 이 점진적 연방제 추진을 명문화한 문익환-허담의 4·2공동성명은 그것만으로도 한국 통일운동사의 기념비적인 문서가 되었다.

한편 정치·군사회담과 경제·문화교류를 병행하자는 늦봄의 주장은 처음에는 예상대로 강하게 거부당했다. 그것은 병행 추진이 항구 분단을 전제로 한 독일식 교류이며, 인민의 통일갈증을 해갈시켜주는 것으로 안하느니만 못하기 때문이라는 반론 때문이었다. 이에 대해 늦봄은 민중을 믿읍시다,” “다방면에 걸친 회담과 교류는 정치군사회담에 좋은 압력이 됩니다라면서 김일성을 설득하였다. 이 두 마디에 김일성은 좋습니다. 동시에 추진하도록 합시다라고 간단히 수긍하였다고 한다.

경제문화교류 병행추진 역시 늦봄이 남한 정부의 정책적 입장을 크게 의식한 주장이었고, 김일성은 늦봄과의 협의를 통해 남한 정부의 주장에 사실상 동의한 셈이었다. 이와 관련하여 당시 통일원장관이던 이홍구조차도 국회 통일분과위원회에서 김대중 의원의 질문에 답변하면서 북한이 모든 문제, 정치·군사를 비롯해서 교류협력에 대한 모든 문제를 논의할 수 있다는 그 하나만으로 남북 고위당국자회담의 전망이 밝아질 수 있다고 볼 수 있겠다고 긍정적으로 평가하였다.

늦봄은 내친 김에 팀스피리트훈련이야 하건 말건 남북간 회담을 중단 없이 추진하는 것이 좋겠다는 의견을 내놓았지만, 이것은 대북 핵 선제공격을 포함하는 팀스피리트훈련의 성격상 북이 수용하기 어려운 것이었다. 그러나 늦봄이 제기한 어떠한 정세에도 불구하고 남북대화 지속이라는 입장은, 합의가 이루어진 정치·군사회담과 경제·문화교류의 병행추진원칙과 더불어 이후 민간과 당국을 막론하고 남북관계의 기본원칙이 되었다. 그런 점에서 그는 남한 민중의 입장을 바탕으로 하고 동시에 북한의 입장을 존중하는 방향에서남북관계의 기본틀을 처음으로 제시한 선구자이기도 했던 것이다.

마지막으로 늦봄은 북한의 주체사상과 관련된 문제를 제기하였다. 이것은 사실상 북한의 역린을 건드리는 것이었다.

남쪽에도 통일 장애요인들이 있어서 이걸 제거하려고 우리는 있는 힘을 다합니다. 그것이 곧 민주화운동입니다. 그것은 남쪽에 사는 우리 책임입니다. 그런데 북쪽에 있는 통일 장애요인은 북에서 책임지고 제거해주어야 하겠습니다. 남쪽에서 북쪽을 바라보면서 통일의 저해요인으로 심각하게 문제되는 것은 주체사상입니다. 이제 주체사상도 그 강조점이 인민에게로 옮아져야 하지 않겠습니까?”

수령 중심의 유일지배체제, 개인숭배이데올로기가 통일의 저해요인이니 인민을 중시하는 주체사상으로 돌아가라는 늦봄의 행간은 즉각 읽혀졌다. 김일성은 무거운 분위기 속에서 그렇지요. 주체사상도 인민에게서 온 거지요라고 응답했다고 한다.

김일성과의 두 번째 만남에서도 주체사상에 대한 이야기는 계속되었다. 문익환은 주체사상이 어느 나라에도 있지만, 우리가 약소국가이기 때문에 그것을 특히 강조한다는 김일성의 대답을 매우 유쾌하게 받아들였다. 물론 그것은 주체사상에 대한 문익환 자신의 평가와 무관한 것이었다. 그러나 그 후 문익환은 92년의 헌법 개정을 통해 주체사상과 관련된 자신의 주장을 북한이 사실상 수용하였다고 판단하였다. “지난번 방북 때 수령 중심의 주체사상을 인민 중심의 주체사상으로 바꿔달라고 했어요. 그 후 (북한) 헌법이 그렇게 바뀌었지요.”

실제로 북한의 92년 헌법 개정이 늦봄의 주체사상에 대한 충고를 염두에 두고 이루어진 것인지는 확인할 수가 없다. 그러나 92년 헌법에서 북한은 사람 중심의 세계관이며 인민대중의 자주성을 실현하기 위한 혁명사상인 주체사상을 자기 활동의 지도적 지침으로 삼는다’(3)라며 마르크스-레닌주의를 삭제하였으며, 17조의 마르크스-레닌주의와 프롤레타리아국제주의 원칙을 주체사상의 핵심개념인 자주성의 옹호로 대체하였다. 또한 92년 헌법은 권력구조의 분산을 통해 수령 중심의 유일지도체계에 일정 정도 수정을 가하고 있다. 국가주석의 위상이 대폭 약화되어, 중앙인민위원회의 국방관련 조항들은 모두 국방위원회로 이관되고, 최고인민회의에 의한 주석 소환규정(1209)도 추가되었다.

김일성은 문익환과의 두 번에 걸친 긴 시간의 회담과정에서 단 하나의 질문만을 던졌다. 그것은 남한은 정말 통일을 원하는 겁니까라는 질문이었다.

 

대한민국 정부는 통일을 원치 않는다고 부정적으로만 볼 것이 아닙니다. 지금 대한민국 정부가 구상하고 있는 체제연합은 실질적으로 북이 제안하고 있는 연방제 통일방안에 매우 가까이 접근되어 있습니다.”

 

문익환의 이 대답은 김일성의 마음을 흔들어놓았다. 김일성은 즉각 비서에게 명령을 내렸다. “노태우 대통령, 김대중 총재, 김영삼 총재, 김종필 총재, 김수환 추기경, 백기완 선생 등 누구나 집단적으로든 개인적으로든 오면 만날 용의가 있다는 것을 오늘 밤으로 방송하시오.”

늦봄은 당시 상황을 이렇게 기록하고 있다. “김 주석은 상당히 흥분해 있었습니다. 그때는 김 주석이 노 대통령에게 대통령 칭호를 처음 붙여서 불렀다는 것을 미처 몰랐습니다. 다만 우리 정부가 그리도 강하게 요청하던 정상회담이 이루어지나 보다 하는 생각만이 들었습니다.”

이것으로 남쪽의 정부와 국민의 마음을 전달해서 남쪽에 대한 북쪽의 신뢰를 이끌어내고, 북쪽의 진의를 알아 남쪽에 전달함으로써 북에 대한 남쪽의 신뢰를 회복시키려했던 문익환의 방북 목표는 최소한 절반은 이루어진 셈이었다. 즉 그는 진정을 가지고 남쪽의 정부와 국민의 마음을 전달함으로써 김일성의 정상회담 추진 결심을 이끌어낸 것이다. 한국 정치사회에서 이 김일성과의 면담 결과가 가지고 있는 역사적 의미를 가장 정확히 이해한 것은 야당 총재 김대중이었다.

다음 김일성과의 면담 얘기를 살펴보자. 남북정상회담은 이유가 어찌 되었든 우리 남한 정부가 더 적극적이었다. 그런데 이번에 문 목사가 갔을 때, 김일성이 처음 노태우 대통령과 만나고 싶다고 대통령 호칭을 붙였고, 또 조자양에게 같은 얘기를 했다. 이것은 굉장한 변화이다. 그러면 이를 재빨리 잡아서 언제 판문점에서 예비회담을 하자고 제안해야 하지 않는가?”

이런 김대중의 지적에 대해서 이홍구 통일원장관은 정상회담의 중요성에 대한 정부의 입장은 전혀 바뀐 것이 없다. 따라서 정상회담의 가능성이 생긴 것을 절대 정부가 가볍게 생각해온 것은 아니라는 것을 다시 밝힌다라고 답변하였다. 당시의 노태우 정부는 북한의 지령에 의한 적지 잠입이라는 공식 발표에도 불구하고 문익환의 방북이 정상회담의 가능성을 열어놓은 것에 대해 상당히 중시하는 입장을 보였던 것이다.

 

역사적인 ‘4·2공동성명

1989325일 방북하여 43일까지 평양에 체류하였던 문익환은 김일성과의 두 차례 회담의 결과를 문서화하여 이를 북한 조국평화통일위원회와의 공동성명 형식으로 발표하였다. 그것이 바로 문익환-허담의 ‘4·2공동성명이다.

이 공동성명은 문익환과 김일성 사이의 논의 내용을 중심으로 북의 조평통과 문익환 목사의 입장을 병렬한 장문의 전문과 9개 항의 합의로 구성되어 있다. 9개 항의 합의 중에서 주목할 부분은 7·4공동성명을 재확인한 제1, 그리고 문익환과 김일성 사이의 정치군사회담과 다방면의 교류 병행추진 합의와 점진적 연방제 추진 합의를 담은 제3, 4항이다.

4·2공동성명 제1항은 7·4남북공동성명에서 천명된 자주, 평화, 민족대단결의 3대원칙을 재확인하는 것이었다. 이것은 내용의 새로움이 아니라, 남북 당국 사이에서 체결된 7·4공동성명을 남한의 시민사회가 재확인하였다는 점에서 매우 의미심장한 것이었다. 문익환이 말하듯이, 7·4공동성명은 국민들의 의사와 무관하게 남북 집권층의 합의만으로 서명, 공식화된 것이었지만, 4·2공동성명은 조평통을 대표해서 허담 위원장이 서명하고 전민련을 대표해서 그가 서명함으로써 7·4공동성명을 실질적인 국민 동의기반 위에 올려놓은 것이었다.

4·2공동성명 제3항은 정치군사회담 추진과 동시에 이산가족문제와 다방면에 걸친 교류와 접촉을 실현하도록 적극 노력한다라고 되어 있는데, 이는 정치·군사회담과 경제·문화교류 병행추진의 합의를 담은 것이다. 3항의 합의는 문서만이 아니라 구체적으로 실행에 옮겨졌다. 북한은 90년에 남측 음악인 17명 초청과 남북통일축구대회 추진 등 기존의 정치군사문제 우선의 입장에서 물러나 그야말로 다방면의 교류에 적극 나섰다.

4·2공동성명에 담긴 이 다방면의 교류 병행 추진의 내용은 20006·15공동선언에 그대로 반영되었다. 6·15공동선언 제3항은 남과 북은 2000815일에 즈음하여 흩어진 가족, 친척 방문단을 교환하며로 되어 있고, 4항은 남과 북은 경제협력을 통하여 민족경제를 균형적으로 발전시키고 사회, 문화, 체육, 보건, 환경 등 제반 분야의 협력과 교류를 활성화하여 서로 신뢰를 도모한다라고 되어 있다. 이 두 조항은 결국 4·2공동성명의 제3항과 같은 내용인 셈이다.

4·2공동성명의 제4항은 문익환, 김일성 사이에 합의된 점진적 연방제 추진문제에 관한 것인데, 이 항은 누가 누구를 먹거나 누가 누구에게 먹히우지 않고 공존의 원칙에서 연방제 방식으로 통일하는 것이 합리적인 통일방도가 되며 그 구체적인 실현방도로서 단꺼번에 할 수도 있고 점차적으로 할 수도 있다는 내용으로 되어 있다.

이 제4항은 남과 북이 통일의 기본원칙에서 공존’, 그리고 추진방도에서 점차성에 처음으로 합의한 역사적 조항이었다. 이 공동성명 이후 남과 북의 통일방안은 모두 공존점차성의 원칙을 강조하는 방향으로 변화하였다. 남의 민족공동체통일방안과 북의 느슨한 연방제가 바로 그것이다.

북한은 1991년 신년사에서 잠정적으로 지역자치정부에 더 많은 권한을 부여하며 점차 중앙정부의 기능을 높여나가는 방향에서 연방제통일을 점차적으로 완성하는 문제도 협의할 용의가 있다고 밝힌 이래,느슨한 연방제혹은 연방제 일반으로 점차성의 원칙을 점점 더 확대하는 방향으로 자신의 입장을 변화시켜 왔다. 그리고 남과 북의 이런 변화는 결국 6·15공동선언의 제2남과 북은 남측의 연합제안과 북측의 낮은 단계의 연방제안이 서로 공통성이 있다고 인정하고 앞으로 이 방향에서 통일을 지향시켜 나가기로 하였다는 합의로 이어졌다.

6·15공동선언 2항에서 특히 주목할 점은 남의 연합제와 북의 낮은 단계의 연방제 사이에 공통점이 존재한다는 것을 인정했다는 대목이다. 이는 국가연합을 두 개의 조선을 인정하는 분단고착론이라고 비판하던 북한의 입장 변화를 의미하는 것이었고, 그 변화는 바로 4·2공동성명으로부터 시작된 것이었다. 6·15공동선언 2항은 4·2공동성명 이후 북한의 통일방안이 느슨한 연방제에서 낮은 단계의 연방제안으로 더욱 발전해나갔으며, 나아가 남의 연합제안과의 공통성을 살려 좀 더 현실적인 통일방안을 모색하겠다는 뜻을 내포하고 있는 것이었다. “쌍방의 합의의 결과는 나라의 통일을 염원하는 남과 북의 그 어느 누구에게도 긍정적으로 받아들여지리라는 확신을 표명한다라는 4·2공동성명의 마지막 문장은 6·15공동선언에 대한 하나의 예언이었던 셈이다.

4·2공동성명은 7·4남북공동성명의 계승이며 동시에 6·15공동선언의 전편이라는 역사적 지위를 가지고 있다. 특히 내용적 수준에서 보면 6·15공동선언은 사실상 4·2공동성명을 기반으로 완성되었다고 해도 과언이 아닐 정도로, 두 문서는 역사적 맥락을 같이 하고 있다. 이것이 의미하는 것은 분명하다. 그것은 광주항쟁과 6월항쟁 등 수많은 투쟁을 거치면서 축적되어온 한국 시민사회의 통일에 대한 구상과 꿈이 남과 북의 양 당국을 통일의 문턱까지 끌고 왔다는 것을 의미한다.

4·2공동성명은 기본적으로 남한의 정치사회가 아니라 시민사회가 전면에 나서서 만들어낸 남북합의문이다. 4·2공동성명에 반영된 문익환의 입장은 남한 시민사회가 축적해온 통일구상의 정화였고, 이것이 남과 북의 당국을 움직여 결국 6·15공동선언을 이끌어낸 것이다. 4·2공동성명에 천명된 공존과 점진성의 원칙은, 비록 남에서는 일시적으로 거부되었지만, 김대중 정부의 등장과 함께 사실상의 통일 추구라는 이름으로 남한 정부의 기본 정책기조가 되었다. 이로써 남한 시민사회의 통일구상은 문익환의 방북이 만들어낸 4·2공동성명의 성과를 바탕으로 남과 북 양 당국의 차이를 좁히고 공통성을 확대하여이들을 통일의 문턱으로 더욱 가까이 끌어왔던 것이다.

 

탈냉전기 통일운동에 대한 새로운 성찰

늦봄은 자신의 방북이 갖는 역사적 의미를 깊이 자각하고 있었다. 그래서 그는 무엇보다 자신의 방북 성과를 남쪽 정부가 잘 활용해주기를 희망하였다. 그는 귀국 직전 동경에서 가진 고별회견에서 결코 작다고만 볼 수 없는 이 같은 성과를 정부가 긍정적으로 받아들여 남북대화를 더욱 활발하게 발전시키기를 바란다고 기자들에게 토로하였다. 그리고 그는 진심으로 자신이 구속되지 않기를 희망하였다. 그것은 자신의 구속보다 자신의 구속으로 인해 방북 성과가 무위로 돌아가고 남북 사이에 긴장이 더욱 격화되는 것을 더 걱정했기 때문이었다. 그러나 늦봄의 희망은 무위로 돌아갔다. 그는 세계 언론의 주시 하에 민족적 치욕을 흠뻑 뒤집어쓰며 무자비하게 끌려갔고다섯 번째 감옥살이가 되었다.

늦봄 스스로 말하듯, 그는 방북을 통해 새 통찰, 새 깨달음과 확신을 얻었고 이를 여야 정계와 국민들에게 널리 알리고 싶어 했다. 확실히 방북 이후 늦봄의 통일운동 인식에는 약간의 변화가 생겨났다. 그것은 냉전시기 통일운동의 종언과 함께 탈냉전 시기에 부합하는 새로운 통일운동 전개의 필요성에 대한 자각이었다.

이러한 자각은 우선 자신이 반()국이 아니라 한반도의 차원에서 통일운동을 전개해야 한다는 역사적 책임감으로 나타났다. 그는 남쪽의 대한민국에서 되어지는 모든 일에 한 시민으로서 책임 있는 생을 살아가는 동시에, 북쪽의 모든 민족(문제)도 나 자신의 문제라고 생각하게 되었다. 이런 자각은 당연히 민 주도에 대한 그의 시야도 한반도 차원으로 변모하게 만들었다. “북쪽의 민의를 키우는 데도 주력해야 돼. 북의 하향적이고 다소 획일적인 사고를 임수경 대표가 얼마나 많이 바꾸어 놓았는지를 보면 북의 민의를 키우는데 남쪽의 민이 얼마나 큰 역할을 하는지 알 수 있지.”

변화의 또 다른 한 축은 냉전기 통일운동에 대한 성찰이었다. 이 성찰의 결과로서 그는 탈냉전기 통일운동에서는 중립성의 원칙합법성의 원칙이 중요하다고 강조하기 시작했다. 문익환이 이런 원칙을 강조하게 된 것은 명망가 중심으로 구성되고 북의 논리와 사상에 경도되어 있는 과거의 통일운동으로는 탈냉전기 남한의 시민사회와 정치사회를 이끌어나갈 수 없다고 판단했기 때문이었다.

그는 지난 시기의 통일운동이 남한 정부만을 상대로 했기 때문에 투쟁적일 수밖에 없었다면서, 이제는 남과 북의 두 정부를 동등하게 중재하면서 끌고 가고 밀고 가는 일을 해야 한다고 생각하였다. 그래서 그는 통일운동은 기본적으로 남북한 당국에 대해 중립적이어야 합니다. 북쪽과 해외가 남한 정부를 비난, 공격할 때, 우리도 덩달아 하게 되면 한쪽으로 기울게 됩니다. 그건 안됩니다라며 중립성의 원칙을 강조했다.

그는 또 통일운동에서 합법성의 쟁취가 중요하다고 강조하면서, 합법성을 쟁취해야 북쪽이나 해외 대표와 자유롭게 만날 수 있고, 대정부 비판도 힘을 얻게 된다고 주장하였다. 합법성 쟁취와 함께 그는 통일운동의 대중화에서 여론의 중요성을 인식하기 시작하였다. “앞으로 통일운동에서 가장 중요한 것은 여론입니다. 김영삼 정권도 여론에 민감합니다. 여론 확산노력이 모든 사회운동의 밑바탕이 되어야 할 것입니다.”

이런 입장은 당연히 -관 관계에 대한 강조점의 변화를 불러왔다. 그는 통일운동은 관의 한계가 분명하므로 민 주도라는 입장을 확고히 견지해야 한다고 주장하면서도, 통일운동에서 민과 관은 상호관계에 있다는 점을 강조하였다. 민이 관을 배제해서도 안 되지만, 관이 민을 배제해서도 안 된다는 것이 그의 입장이었다. 그는 정부와의 일정한 협력, 종교단체, 시민운동 단체와 우리 재야통일운동, 나아가서는 정부까지 하나의 운동으로 묶어서 발전시켜야한다고 주장하였다. 이런 입장에 따라 그는 범민련을 발전적으로 해체하고 민의 운동을 광범위하게 실천하고 이를 정부가 받아들일 수 있는 새로운 전기를 마련하기 위해새로운 통일운동체의 결성을 제안하였다.

그런데 문익환이 제기한 새로운 통일운동체는 사실 그 중심점이 정부와의 관계에 있는 것이 아니라 북과의 연대방식 변화에 있었다. 그는 새로운 통일운동체는 범민련과 같이 남북해외의 3자연합적인 성격을 탈피해서 사안에 따라 연대하는 좀 더 유연하고 느슨한 연대체가 되어야 한다고 생각하였다. “북쪽이 고려연방제에서 느슨한 연방제로 전진했듯이 통일운동체도 형식적인 연합체에서 실질적인 연대체로 새롭게 발전하는 것이 필요합니다.” 문익환의 이 새로운 성찰적 통일운동론은 무엇보다도 당시 북의 논리와 사상에 지나치게 경도되어 스스로 고립을 자초하고 있는전통적 통일운동의 일부 흐름에 대한 근본적인 문제제기였다. 동시에 그는 남의 민이 북, 해외와 관계 맺는 방식이 교조와 형식주의에 빠질 것이 아니라, 느슨하다 하더라도 실질적 연대가 되는 것이 더 중요하다고 보았고, 그 점에서 그의 새로운 성찰적 통일운동론은 교조와 형식을 강조하는 북이나 남의 일부 통일운동에 대한 문제제기이기도 하였다.

방북 이후 문익환이 새롭게 강조하기 시작한 또 하나의 문제는 바로 통일을 위한 시급한 준비의 필요성이었다. 그는 지금까지의 통일운동이 통일운동의 자유를 쟁취하는 운동으로서의 성격이 강했다면 이제는 정말 통일을 구체적으로 준비하는 운동을 시작해야 된다고 주장하였다.

그는 통일을 사건이 아니라 민족을 통합하는 지속적인 과정으로 인식하고 그 과정을 시작하는 것이 곧 통일이라고 보았다. 즉 그가 말하는 통일은 완성이 아니라 시작의 의미였다. 그런 점에서 그는 통일이 임박했다고 생각했고, 통일의 임박성에도 불구하고 7천만 겨레에게 통일 이후의 대비가 전혀 없다는 사실에 몸서리치지않을 수 없었다. 준비 없이 맞이한 해방이 분단으로 귀결되었듯이, 준비 없는 통일은 심각한 혼란을 불러일으킬 것이기 때문이었다. 그래서 문익환은 그 생애의 마지막 옥살이에서 풀려나자마자 통일맞이 7천만겨레운동을 제창했던 것이지만, 불행하게도 이 운동을 시작한 지 얼마 되지 않아 그는 세상을 떠나고 말았다.

 

늦봄 통일사상의 생명력

늦봄의 통일사상과 그가 제기한 통일운동에 대한 새로운 성찰은 과거가 아니라 여전히 지속되고 있는 현재.

그는 무엇보다 통일의 기본원칙(공존)과 방도(점차성)를 제시하여 6·15공동선언의 기초를 마련하였다. 그는 분단체제 극복의 전략적 설계에 해당하는 한반도 통일과정의 특징을 처음으로 원칙으로서의 공존과 방도로서의 점진적 추진으로 명확히 정리하였고, 북한 김일성 주석을 설득하여 이를 4·2공동성명이라는 남북간 합의로 발전시켰다. ‘과정으로서의 통일에 대한 이 역사적 합의는 바로 남측의 연합제안과 북측의 낮은 단계의 연방제안이 서로 공통성이 있다고 인정한’ 6·15공동선언의 제2항의 전사(前史)였다. 이와 더불어 그는 남쪽 민중의 마음을 전달하여 북의 정상회담 결심을 이끌어냈으며, 유엔 동시가입과 교차승인, 다방면의 교류 추진, 헌법개정과 권력집중 완화 등 북한의 엄청난 변화를 추동했다.

그는 통일운동에서 민의 주도성을 선언하고, 남의 민이 걸어야 할 통일운동 기본방향을 제시했다. 그것은 중립성과 합법성 그리고 형식과 교조를 벗어난 실질적 연대였다. 또한 민주화운동을 통해 성장한 남쪽 민의 시야에서 북과 어떻게 관계 맺을 것인가를 가장 치열하게 탐구한 사람이다. 그는 남의 민주화운동으로 얻어낸 사상·실천적 성과를 어떻게 통일운동에 접목할 것인가를 끊임없이 질문했다. 그것은 동시에 북의 민을 강화하기 위해 남의 민이 어떻게 기여할 것인가 하는 문제이기도 했다. 왜냐하면 통일은 민주이고 민주는 통일이기 때문에.

그는 통일운동을 압도적 다수의 대중운동으로 발전시키려 했으며, 그런 맥락에서 초지일관 노력했다. 그는 탈냉전기 한반도 정세의 변화를 정확히 꿰뚫어보고 있었으며, 이 세계적 탈냉전을 기회로 삼아 남측 당국을 최대한 유연화하고 그를 바탕으로 명실상부한 압도적 다수의 대중적 통일운동을 실천하려 했다.

늦봄의 통일사상은 이와 같이 민 주도 통일사상, 공존과 점진성에 기초한 한반도 통일과정론(과정으로서의 통일론), 한국 민주화운동 성과의 통일운동 접목(즉 전국적 시야로의 발전), 탈냉전과 통일맞이를 위한 실천적 준비 등 통일운동의 모든 방면에 걸쳐 있다.

이런 것들은 우리 통일운동이 현재 여전히 마주한 문제들이다. 중요한 것은 그가 이룩한 이 모든 것이 그 자신의 통찰력과 섬김의 실천을 통해 얻어졌다는 점이다. 그는 어떤 사상이나 이론에 경도되지 않았고, 교조에 기울어지지 않았으며, 자신이 직접 뛰어다니면서 만난 민중의 현실을 바탕으로 반공주의와 분단국가주의를 극복하고 마침내 한국 통일운동의 사상·실천적 정점에 우뚝 섰던 것이다.

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Jonas 16-08-18 13:43